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M I S S I S S I P P I , 

RY THF, 

HON. JOHN W. WOOD, 

The T^nion member of the Mrssissirn State Convention m-iio 

REFUSED TO 8I(JN THE ORDINANCE OF SECESSION, OR 

to commit himski-f in any way to thk 
Secession Movem knt. 



THE KEDKRAL UNION-IT MOST BE PREoERVED.-Jackso*. 



MKMPHIS: 

8AUND1;R..\ P^HRlSH A M'HirSlOKi:, 1'R1.vii:es, 






t- 



PREFACE. 



The gi'eat object of the writer in publishing- the following 
pages is, to aid in effecting a re-union in feeling and sentiment 
between the masses of the people of the United States, for social 
and commercial advantages, as the only basis of a Union worth 
preserving. Having argued the questions before the people of 
Mississippi before secession, and a decision being rendered against 
me, I simply ask that I may again be heard upon a re-argument 
of the important issues involved. Whenever the minds of the 
honest masses of the peoj)le are convinced of their errors, they 
are always ready to correct them and move in the right direction, 
however obstinate or perverse may be their rules. Born in the 
old State of Virginia, in sight of Monticello, my ancestors being 
large slaveholders, and always a slaveholder myself, the tongue 
of calumny dare not impugn my motives. Whatever differences 
of opinion may exist as to the best method of restoring our 
country to its former prosperous and happy condition, the para- 
mount consideration of every American citizen should be the 
integrity of the Government and the Union of the States. 

Note. — The family of the Author have recently arrived in Memphis, under the protection of 
.1 flng of trnce, bringing through the manuscript of this publication, which was written in the 
central County in Mississippi, (Attala,) more than twelve months ago. It is now submitted 
to the public with but slight alterations. His friends in Mississippi have anticipated its publi- 
cation lor some time, but it was impossible to get it through sooner with safety. 



TO 'IHK FKW 

FAITHFUT. UXIOX MEN OF MISSISSIPPI 

THE FOLLOWING I'AriES AliK IlK-PRCTFl'LLY JNSCiilBEI). 



CONTENTS: 



CHAPTER I. 

The Condition of our Country Two Years Ago, Contrasted with the Present Condition of 
the South. 

CHAPTER II. 

The Origin of the Boctrine of Secession-Extract from the Speech of Mr. Calhoun, on the 
Force Bill, in the U. S. Senate, in 1833 -Fallacy of the Doctrine-The State Rights Demo- 
cratic Party South - The Charleston Convention-Division in the National ^Democratic 
Party -The Eesult-Meeting of the Mississippi Legislature-Canvass in Mississippi-Cireular 
to the People. 

CHAPTER III. 

The Delusions Practiced upon th« People-Peacable Secession- Extract from Mr. 
Webster't last Great Speech in the Senate - The Plan of Mr. Yancey " of Precipitating the 
Cotton States into a Revolution "-Speech of Mr. Yaucey at Montgomery— Foreign Inter- 
ference in the Event of War -Cotton was King, and would force England or France to 
Intervene-Mr. Yancey Abroad -His Letters Horae-The Telegraph-The "Reliable 
Gentleman." 

CHAPTER IV. 

The Attempt to Assimilate the Secession Movement to the Revolutionary War-Decla- 
ration of Grievances-Young Patrick Henry's Spring Up-The Delusion of the Great Superi- 
ority ot our Southern Soldiers-Direct Trade with Europe-Sharleston, Savannah and New 
Orleans, to Rival Boston, New York and Philadelphia-Secession of South Carolina-Sudden 
Decline in Cotton— The Money Market the pulse of a Nation. 

CHAPTER V. 

Other DeJusions-Strsng Attachment to the Union among the Old Men- An Incident in 
the Canvass -Meeting of the Convention of Mississippi-The First and Second Days' Pro- 
ceedingss— The Secession Ordinance Reported on the Third Day. 

CHAPTER VI. 

Speech Delivered in the Mississippi Covention, on the Ordinance of Secession, January 
eth, 1861. 



CHAP.TE R VII. 

Note to the Reporter of the Convention— His Beply— Scene in the Hall of the House of 
Representatives, on the Passage of the Ordinance ef Secession— Ceremony of Signing — The 
Ordinance. 

CHAPTER VIII. 

Second Session of the Mississippi State Convention — The Question of the Mode of Ratifi_ 
cation of the Constitution— Report of My Remarks — Letter to Chronicle-^The Constitution 
Ratified by the Convention— indignation of the People. 

CHAPTER IX. 

Southern Democracy- Extract from Speech of 8. S. Prentiss— Political Demagogues- 
State and County Leaders— County Papers. 

CHAPTER X. 

The Co-operation Party— A Confederacy of Fifteen States, including Southern Illinois 
New Mexico, and South California— Still more Comprehensive Views of the Leaders — Rapa- 
cious Hunt for Office. 

CHAPTER XI. 

Was the Election of Abraham Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin to the Presidency and Vice 
Presidency of the United States, a Sufficient Cause for Secession ? —The feeling in South 
Carolina when the Result of the Election was known— The Effect on the Southern States. 

CHAPTER XII. 

The Fanaticism of Secession— Political Parsons — Cautious Politicians Become Great War- 
riors—The Extortioner. 

CHAPTER XIII. 

Webster's Reply to Hayne— The Clearest and Best Refutation of the Bight of Nullifica- 
tion, or Secession— Extract from Mr. Webster's Great Speech. 

CHAPTER XIV. 

The Hypocricy of the Secessionists— The Popular Vote of the Seceded States— The 
Sentiment Among Southern Women — Dialogue between a Southern Lady and afl EuroUer 
under the Conscript Law. 

CHAPTER XV. 

A Re-union in Feeling among the People of the United States should be the Ardent 
Desire of every American Patriot. 



J ^3 



UN JON AND SEC.S810N. 



r: 11 A P T E IJ T . 

Till' i-omlifio/i of nur eonnfni tiro i/nrrs <i(/o. r<)i>ti'(h</i'il idfh the 
jii'rsi'iil i-i>ii<l itioii (if fill' Smith. 

Two yejii's ;iii(), oiw count ry jii'osciif cd the most plcasiii;^; pros- 
poet of i;"ener;il ])rospei"ity cvev exliiliitecl to the world l»\' iiiiy 
nation upon the gloltc. Kver since t!ie estiiblishment of our (Jov- 
ernnieiit, it seemed that lie ^'whost- kin;^-doni is over all," has eon- 
liniied to poui' foi-th his hlessiiio;H upon us. Whith'M'soever we 
might look. evi(h>nees of ]ieaee. ])lentv and ]>ros]iei-ity, were con- 
stant ly before our eyes. If we i;-lanced at our Westei-n teri'itories, 
we W(uil(l there I'oholdt he thick-skirted forest tumltlin<j,- Iteneath 
tile woodman's axe. \i' we turned to our rich Southern valleys, 
we would there see them Inirthenod hy the very weight of luxu- 
)'iance. The exhaustless mii)es of our newly acquired regions, 
were pouring out their willing treasui'es into the t'Uji of awakeiUMl 
indiistiy. 'I'he clang of the hammer and the hissing of the forge 
wei'e hoi-ne to us on every l)i*ee/,e li'oni the far distant North. 
The ships of the woi-ld. fr<'ighte(l witli the i-ich jiroductions of 
other countries, were clinging to our shores, all along our boi'ders 
ujion the F'ast. The )»atriotic statesman of every State of the 
T'nion was accustomed to look Uj>on the increasing grtnideui* and 
glory of the United States, with heartfelt emotions of pleasui'e and 
delig^'t. lie saw a great tamily composed of thirty-four States 
and nine territories, containing a pojMdation of upwai'ds of thirty 
millions; of which, more than twenty-five millions were white. 
Casting his eye along our sea-coast, he s.aw that it eni!)raced an 
extent of twelve thousand, six hundred and sixty miles. Follow- 
ing the course of our principal rivers, and estimating their length. 



lie found ton of them extendinc; twenty thousand miles. Lookin<>; 
upon the Hurfaee of our live great hikes u]H)n oui'Northern border, 
he saw an area of ninety thousand square miles. Traciny; ujion 
the map the radroads in operation, he found twenty-five thousand 
iiiiles, which cost upwards of one hundred millions of dollars; 
and among them the longest railroad in the world, ( the Illinois 
Central,) of seven hundi*ed and eighty-four miles. He found five 
thousand miles of canals, dug out by those hardy sons of Europe, 
who had come across the blue Avaters of the broad Atlantic, to 
seek the protection of our flag, and live in a land of freedom. He 
was astonished at the annual value of our agricultural productions, 
which summed up two hundred millions of dollars. He found 
that the most valuable production was Indian Corn, which yielded 
annually four hundred millions of bushels. He found the amount 
of reo-istered and enrolled tonnage was four millions four bun- 
dred and seven thousand and ten. The amount of capital invested 
in manufactures was six hundred millions of dollars. The annual 
amount of our internal trade was six hundred millions of dollars. 
The annual amount of the products of labor (other than agricul- 
tural) was fifteen hundred millions of dollars. The value of 
farms and live stock was five hundred millions of dollars. The 
surface of our coal fields was one hundred and thirty-eight thous- 
and and thirty-one square acres; and within our borders Avere 
eighty thousand schools, five thousand academies, two thousand 
and thirty-four colleges, and three thousand and eight hundred 
churches. Contemplate the grandeur, glory, magnificence and 
resources of such a country. 

Let us contrast the present condition of our Southern country 
Avith its prospects tAvo years ago. The sound of the Avoodman's 
axe is no longer heard in our forests. That weapon of industiy 
has been dropped for the Aveapon of death. The ])low has been 
left standing in the furrow of many a poor conscript's field, and 
his aged father, or poor little, barefooted sister, left to work out 
Avith the hoe the young corn just peeping from the ground. 
The clang of the hammer and the hissing of the forge have been 
hushed. The din of commerce no longer enlivens our cities, and 
the grass has literally groAvn in the streets of our blockaded 
ports. The necessaries of life have risen to almost fabulous pj-i- 
ces; salt from fifty to sixty dollars per sack; cotton <-ards from 
twelve to fift<H'n dollars ; boots and shoes, and many other neces- 
sary articles, to such enormous prices as to place them ol'len be- 



J <S// 



yond the nnich of the pooi'. Coffee, a bcvera,i>;c of wl\ieh our 
Soulhern people arc peculiarly fond, is ordy found in the houses 
of the wealthiest, and the poorer classes have to suhstitute a de- 
coction of toasted cornmeal, bran, potatoes, acorns, or such other 
substitutes as the ingenuity of the oldest dames can devise. De- 
serted villages are seen in every county. The few remaining 
merchants hang idly about their stores, with no customers to buy, 
and no merchandize to sell. The hotels are virtually closed. 
Man}^ poor families, whom their richer neighbors ha<l promised to 
])rovide for during the absence of their fathers or sons, have been 
suffered to want for the necessaries of life. The only men of 
business are the extortioners and tax-gatherers- — the former 
Avith the quickness and voracity of a shark, are moving about 
from point to point, buying up the necessaries of life in propoi-- 
tion to their scarcity, and preying upon the wants and misfortunes 
of their countrymen; the latter, in obedience to the laws of the 
land, are gathering up the little remnants of go'd and silver in 
the country, which has often to be purchased at a hundred \w\' 
cent, premium by the tax-payer with the proceeds of his poultiy 
and daily, to the great deprivation of his family. The rag money 
of the country is considered good enough for the people, but not 
good enoufich to pay the " Military War Tax." "War— desolating 
Avar, has swept over the country with a besom of destruction — 
dragging along the unAvilling conscripts to the field, and bathing 
Avith tears CA'ery mother in the South. Our school-houses are de- 
serted, our churches languish, trade is prostrate, and all the best 
interests of the countiy have sickened and died. The planters, 
neglectful of their crops, linger about the villages, eager to hear 
the latest news from the war; even nature seems to sympathize 
Avith our misfortunes, and the sky has ass'nned a jjeculiar hue 
never before witnessed in this clime. AA^ho are the authors of our 
calamities ? It is time to pause and reflect. It is time for the 
sober second thought of the people calmly to consider the sources 
of the aggravated evils and intolerable oppressions Avhich haA^e 
been heaped upon us, and ask themseh^es the question, if they 
could not have been honorably aA^oided ? To the doctrine of se- 
cession may be attribiited the main-spring of all our woes. It is 
a doctrine never contemplated by the Constitution of the United 
States — false in theory, and destructiA'e in itsresult.s. 



r U A FT E I{ J 1 . 

T/ir nrhjni of f/ic (Ini'fr'iir of Seci'sxi.ori — Exii'drf from f/ir spredi of 
Mi\ f'lilhoiin, on the Fonv Hill, in tin- IJiiilcl Htaf's S^nafi' in 
Is;;;', — The f<ill(icij of the t/ortriiic—T/w State lu'i/hts Beinocratic 
)i<(i'tti South — The Charleston Contention. — Division In the Xdtionol 
fh'iHoeratie /nirti/ — JVif. result— -Meetinij of the Mixsi-'<sij)pi Lcjishi- 
lure — C'nu'c(-'<s in Afi.<.-<i.<.'iijipi — ('ireiil,(r to the peojtle. 

The origin of tlu- doctriiu' of secession may l)e traced step I'V 
f<Le|) to the Hjieech of Mr. ("alhoun. on the Korce Bill, in the (jui- 
te:(i States Senate, in 1S:>;!. in which lie uses this laiiLi,'iia!.;;c : •■ N 
this a KeiU'ral I'liioii ov I'liio;! of States, as disl^iiiet tVoni tliat of 
individuals ': Is the SovL'reiL;,'nt}" in the sevei-al States or in the 
American people in the ai>;L:,i'e^'ate ''. The very laii^'uai;'e wiiieh 
we are compel ed to use wlieii y))eakino; of our })oliticai institu- 
tions, at1t'oi'd;^i proof conclusive as toit.sreal character. The terms 
TTnioM, Federal, United, all im[ily a eomhination of sovereitcnlies, 
a (totifi'deratioii of States. They arc nev^-r Jipplied to an associa- 
tion of individuals. Who ever liL'ard of the United Sta «'s of New 
York, of M.issacluisetts, or of Vir<:;iiiia; Who ever heard I he. 
terms Fedei'al or Union ai^plied to the aj;jjregatioii of individuals 
into one eoiumuuily 't ^or is tlie other point less clear — ^thal the 
Sovereignty is in tlie several States, and that our system is a 
Union ot twenty-four Sovereign power.s under u Constitutional 
i'om])act, and not of a divided Sovereignty bet\Voeii the States sev- 
erally and tln> United States. Jn spite of all that has been said, 
I maintain that Sovei'eignty is in its nature indivisible. It is llu" 
supi'enn> power in a State, and we might just as well speak of 
half a square or half a triangle as of half a Sovercigr.t .'. It is a 
gi'eat eri-or tf> confound the exercise of Sovereign powers with 
Sovereignty itself, or the delegation of such powei's with the sur- 
render of them. A Sovcu'eign may delegate his powers to be ex- 
ercised by as many agents as he may think proper, under such 
conditions or with such limitations as he may impose, but to sui-- 
render any jiortion of his Sovereignty to another, is to annihilate 
the whole." 

The fallacy of the fascinating doctrine containc<l in the fore- 
going extract consists in a total niisconcejition of the true natui-o 
of the structure of our Government. The true doctrine, as fully 
explained by the great expouJider of the Constitution at that, 
tunc, is that tho Government of the United State's is a Go. era- 



9 

ment proper, established by the people of the States — not a com- 
pact between sovei-eign comin unities — tliat within its limits it is 
su})rcme, and that whether it is within its limits or not, in any 
given exertion of itself^ is to be determined by the Supreme Court 
of the United States, the ultimate arbiter in the last resort — from 
which there is no appeal but to revolution. It is not my present 
purpose, however, to elaborate this question. 

From the teachings of Mr. Calhoun, the Southern people very 
readily embraced the popular doctrine of State Eights, which, be- 
coming blended with the name of Democracy, soon established 
the State Eights Democratic party. The doctrine of State Rights 
appealed to the pride and prejudices of the people, and required 
no investigation to commend it to the hearty approval of the 
masses. After the doctrines of the Democi'atic State Eights party 
had become so popular among the masses of the people, it required 
but one step further to induce them to embrace the doctrine of 
Secession. When the National Democratic party met at Charles- 
ton, in 1860, they were divided upon a question of no practicai 
utility "whatever, at that time, viz: whether Slavery, should be 
protected in the Territories, when really there was no territoiy 
whatever, since the settlement of the question in Kansas, whore 
slavery was likely to go. But the leaders of the secession move- 
ment then saw what would be the result, and, doubtless, many of 
them designed to effect a division in the National Democratic 
party for no other purpose than to elect Abraham Lincoln, and 
thereby obtain a suificient pretext for a dissolution of the Union. 

Immediately after the result of the Presidential election, in 
18G0, was known, the leaders of the secession movement went to 
work calling county meetings, harangueing the people, forming 
companies of "minute men," and using all of those artful appli- 
ances so well understood by them, to get up a great political ex- 
citement. The Grovei'nors of the different States hastily called 
the Legislatures together. The Legislature of MississiiDpi assemb- 
led at Jackson on the 26th of November, and passed the follow- 
ing resolutions, introduced by the Hon. A. M. West, of Holmes: 

^'■Resolved by the Legislature of the SUite of Mississipin, That in 
the opinion of those who now constitute the said Legislature, 
that Secession by each.of the aggrieved States, for their grievan- 
ces, is the remedy. 

" Resolved, That the Governor be requested to appoint as 
many Commissioners as in his Judgment may be necessary, to visit 

B 



10 

each of the shave-hokling States, and desi,f;;nate the State or States 
to which each commissioner shall be commissioned, whose duty 
it shall be to inform them that this Legislature has passed an act 
calling a Convention of the people of this State, to consider the 
present threatening relations of the Northern and Southern sec- 
tions of the Confederacy, aggravated by the recent election of a 
President upon principles of hostility to the States of the South, 
and to express the earnest hope of Mississippi that those States 
Avill co-operate withher in the adoption of efficient measures for 
their common defence and safety." 

The Convention Bill provided that the election be held on the 
20th of December, and that the Convention should assemble on 
the 7th of January, 1861. 

Being called upon by the citizens of the central County of 
Mississippi, (Attala,) called by the Secessionists "the free State 
of Attala," to become a candidate for a seat in the Convention, I 
issued a list of appointments and mounted my horse for a canvass 
of the county, addressing the people nearly every day from two 
to three hours, and sometimes longer, till the day of the election. 
The result was, my election by a majority of only thirty-four votes. 
The Union candidate in 1850 was elected by only one vote. I made 
the issue upon the direct question of " Union " or "Disunion." 
Our tickets were printed "Union Ticket." The following ex- 
tract from a circular in reply to a circular of the Secession candi- 
dates will give a glance at some of the views taken by me of the 
question at that time : " These gentlemen, then, are in favor of 
breaking up the present National Government, under which we 
have lived and prospered as no other people ever did, and trying 
to construct another one out of the State of Mississippi and such 
other seceding States as are willing to join in this undertaking. 
This they are in favor of doing without any eifort being made to 
insure our rights in the Union ; for no where in their circular do 
they propose anything^lse than Secession from the General Gov- 
ernment. This proposition is infinitely the most momentous one 
ever submitted to the people of Mississippi; and, if adopted, will 
involve consequences which no eye c:in fully see, and no mind 
fully comprehend. It is EEVOLUTION out and out. When- 
ever Mississippi secedes, she will become & foreign power to the 
remaining States of the Union. She will no longer have anj^ 
intei-est in the General Government, or in the territories; in 
Congressional provisions for the establishment of Federal Courts, 



11 

or in these for carrying the mails, or the establishment of Post 
Offices; but the remaining States, and the Greneral Government, 
will be as foreign to her as is Great Britain or France. 

"Are you in favor of taking this desperate step, and plunging 
into the dark abyss now opening at your feet ? Have you care- 
fully considered the consequences ? Let us briefly glance at some 
of them. , 

1. ''We shalllose our nationality. We shall cease to be apart 
and parcel of that great American Eepublic whose flag floats tri- 
umphantly on every sea. We go off to ourselves, without an 
army, without a navy, without a single vessel, and without any 
means of constructing a navy, even if one could be built in a day 
with the proper resources. 

2. "We undertake the burdens and responsibilities of an inde- 
pendent government at a time when our State Treasury is bank- 
rupt, and when the State herself cannot possibly borrow a dollar 
in the money markets of the world ; and when, also, our people 
are already threatened with overwhelming distress from the drouth 
and hard times. Our State has neither monej^ nor credit. How 
then is she to carry on an independent government, either by her- 
self, or jointly with the few States who are expected to go with 
her ? Only by Taxation. These burdens, amounting to many 
millions of dollars more than we now pay, must be borne by hard 
CASH, wrung from the tax-payers by the tax-collectors. 

. 3. "Arms and munitions of war must be provided, and large 
bodies of men equipped for military service. South Carolina and 
the other seceding States are making heavy appropriations of 
money to arm and equip their citizen soldier^^; and Mississippi 
will do the same, when the Legislature shall be again called to- 
gether, as it is to be in a few weeks. Thus all we have had in 
the shape of taxation, is but as "the small dust of the ballance" 
compared with what will be, M-hen the Secession Government 
shall be inaugurated. 

4. "The extensive military preparations now making, and the 
organizations of companies now going on, show conclusively that 
those who are urging this revolution onward, do not expect it to 
be peaceable. They smell the battle afar off, and are marshaling 
their forces. Questions of boundaries; of the right to navigate 
our waters ; and of the duties on imports, exports, and many oth- 
ers, would be certain, ere long, to rob Secession of its peaceable 
character, and to light up the flames of civil war. 



12 

5. "The depreciation of every species of property, and the 
most universal bankruptcy of our people, are inevitable, if seces- 
sion be carried out. Even now, there is no sale of lands or no- 
i^-roes, and manj^ a man, who but a few weeks a^-o deemed himself 
the possessor of thousands, cannot pay his just debts. While 
Ids property has already fallen one-fourth or one-half, his debts 
retain all their gigantic proportions, and " stop laws," and bank- 
rupt laws, constitute the relief that is proposed. 

6. -'Our railroads, and other works of internal improvements, 
must all stop. The improvements contemplated by our people in 
their farms, their buildings, their cherished homes, will all have 
to be abandoned. 

7. "While the rich man's property is ruinously depreciated, the 
poor man will be rol)bed of the reward of his daily laboi' — his all. 
Business of all kinds will be suspended. The mechanic will be 
thrown out of emploj^meut ; all credit and confidence will be de- 
stroyed, and distress and suffering will overspread the land. 

8. "The whole framework of society will be disorganized. The 
laws will be suspended and disregarded, and lawless violence and 
anarchy take the place of law and order. Where then will be 
the security for property or life ? 

9. "It is far easier to tear down than to build up. When the 
yn-esent Government has been destroyed, are you sure a better 
one can be constructed out of the ruins? Are j'ou sure that your 
property, your lives, your liberties, will be anymore secure than 
they now are ? Would you not as soon risk the Government 
formed by^Washington, Madison, and their associates, as any that 
may be formed by those who are for a revolution ? " 

With arguments like these, 1 endeavored to convince the minds 
of the masses of the people of the danger of taking the awful 
step of secession. .'.j!f^Although I succeeded in the central county of 
the State, a large majority of the people of Mississippi were de- 
luded by false representations and false issues, made before them, 
some of which I will notice. 



13 

CHAPTEE IIT. 

The delusions -practiced upon the people — Peaceable Secession — Ex- 
tract from Mr. Websteys last great speech in the Senate — The plan 
of Mr. Yancey '^of p)rccipitating the cotton States into a revolution" — 
Speech of Mr. Yancey at Montgomery — Foreign interference in the 
event of war — Cotton was king., and would force England or France 
to intervene — Mr. Yancey abroad — His letters home — The Tele- 
graph — The ^[reliable gentleman." 

1. One of the greatest delusions •which seemed to be all-pervad- 
ing, notwithstanding the apparent preparations for war, was, that 
secession would be peaceable. The people could not realize tlie 
unwelcome fact that war was inevitable. The dangers of a disso- 
lution of the Union had been so often sounded in their ears, that 
they had become somewhat accustomed to it. I always endeav- 
ored to impress upon them the sentiments of Daniel Webster, in 
his last great speech in the Senate, on the 7th of March, 1850, in 
which he said: " Mr. President : I should much prefer to have 
heard, from every member on this floor, declarations of opinion 
that this Union could not be dissolved, than the declaration of 
opinion by anybody, that, in any case, under the presence of any 
circiimstances, such a dissolution was possible. I hear with dis- 
tress and anguish, the word " Secession," especially when it falls 
from the lips of those who are patriotic, and known to the coun- 
try, and known, all over the world, for their political services. 
Secession! Peaceable Secession! Sir, your eyes and mine are 
never destined to see that miracle. The dismemberment of this 
vast country without convulsion! The breaking up of the foun- 
tains of the Great Deep without ruffling the surface ! Who is so 
foolish ( I beg everj^bodj^'s pardon) as to expect to see any such 
thing i:' Sir, he who sees these States, now revolving in harmony 
around the cojnmon centre, and expects to see tliem quit their 
places and fly off, without convulsion, may look the next hour to 
see the heavenly bodies rush from their spheres and jostle against 
eacii other in the realms of space, without causing the wreck of 
the Universe. There can be no such thing as peaceable Secession. 
Peaceable secession is an utter impossibility. Is the great Con- 
stitution under which we live — covering this whole country — to 
be thawed and melted away by , secession, as the snows on the 
ntountain melt under the influence of a vernal sun, disappear al- 
most unobserved, and run ofl'? No, Sir! I will not state wliat 



14 

mic;ht produce the disruptiou of the Union; but, sii', I see as 
plainly as I see the sun in heaven, what that disruption itself 
must produce; I see that it must produce war, and such a war as 
I will not describe in its two-fold character. 

"Peaceable Secession ! Peaceable Secession! The concurrent 
■ agreement of all the members of this great republic to separate! 
A voluntary separation, with alimony on the one side and on the 
other? Why, what would be the result ? Where is the line to be 
drawn? What States are to secede? What is to remain in 
America? What am I to be? An American no longer? Am I 
to become a sectional man, a local man, a separatist, with no 
country in common with the gentlemen who sit around me here, 
or who fill the other house of Congress? Heaven forbid ! Where 
is the flag of the Eepublic to remain ? Where is the eagle still to 
soar? Or is he to cower and shrink, and fall to the ground? 
Why, sir, our ancestors, our fathers and our grand-fathers, those 
of them who are yet living amongst us with prolonged lives, 
would rebuke and reproach us ; and our children and our grand- 
children would cry out shame \ipon us, if we of this generation 
should dishonor these ensigns of the power of the government 
and the harmony of that Union which is every da}^ felt among us 
with such joy and gratitude." 

jSTotwithstanding such lessons of wisdom as these, there were 
found secession leaders who jn'ofessed to be willing to do all the 
fighting themselves, that would have to be done; but when the 
fighting came on, many of them proved to be very reluctant to 
redeem their pugnacious promises. 

Mr. Yancey had, long prior to the last presidential election, 
favored the plan of " precipitating the cotton States into a revo- 
lution," at the same time disclaiming that he was a disunionist! 
In his speech at Montgomery, a few days after the election, he 
said: "To-night I address a meeting of my fellow-citizens in 
Montgomery, in which has been witnessed the glorious spectacle 
of an actual fusion of all parties in our midst for one great pur- 
po.ie — the Union of Southern men in order to a protection of the 
rights of the^South, without the Union, [great applause.] Per- 
haps the boasted "eighteen millions" may respect those rights 
v.-hen independent of their political poAver, if not, 

"Then welcome be Cumberland's Steed to the shock." 
"This night two weeks ago, I. was asked, while .speaking in New 
York, what course TavouUI advi'^e Alabama to take, in the event 



15 



i?£i 



that Lincoln should he elected President ? Acting in perfect good 
fnith to the issues presented b}'^ the 2:»arty whose cause I advocated, 
and which issues contemplated a solution of the political question 
at the ballot-box only, within the Union, I declined to give utter- 
ance to my individual opinions, which could only tend to embar- 
rass my friends, and to encourage their foes, but told the people of 
New York that I should cheerfully give that advice to my fello^v- 
citizens of Alabama whenever thoy should see tit to ask it ; [ap- 
plause;] and I redeem that pledge to-niglit, by saying that in my 
opinion, the election of Abraham Lincoln to the oflice of Presi- 
dent of the United States by the Black Eepublican party, taken 
in connection Avith his own political utterances, and the views and 
acts of his party in Congress, and in the several Northern States, 
is an overt act against the Constitution — [applause,] and as such 
should be deemed sufficient cause for a withdrawal of the State 
of Alabama, and a resumption of all the powers she has granted 
to the Union, by Separate State Secession. [Prolonged applause.] 
And while giving utterance to this advice, I repudiate as utterly 
untrue, that in any just sense I am a Disunionist ! " 

I quote the above extract from the speech of thaAjax Tcla- 
mon of the secession movement, as well for the purpose of show- 
ing that some of the leaders, at least, contemplated the probability 
of war, as to show the inconsistency of his position. For " sepa- 
rate State secession," and not a "disunionist!" Almost all of 
them, however, preached before the people the doctrine of "peace- 
able secession" and " bloodless revolution." The boldness of 
Mr. Yancey's position was entitled to more respect than those 
who taught many ignorant people to believe that "there would 
not be a gun fired!" 

2. The next delusion of most importance which Avas dissemi- 
nated among the people was, that in the event of war, England 
or France, or perhaps both, would certainl}^ interpose in our be- 
half. That "Cotton was King," and that three or four millions 
of people in Europe were dependent upon our great staple for 
their dail}^ bread. In this our gre'atest statesmen were in error, 
for they certainly knew, when plunging the Southern States into 
a contest so unequal, it would be impossible to succeed without 
foreign aid. They doubtless recollected that Avhen Patrick Henry 
was inaugurating the American revolution in Virginia, and arous- 
ing our ancestors to battle, in a just and holj^ cause, he freely 
confessed to his intimate friends that he depended upon foreign 



16 

asRistancc for their ultimate success. Our Senators in Cong-Tcss, 
when leaving tlieir seats, after the secession of tlieir i-espcctivo 
States, menacingly alluded to the assistance of the great powers 
of Europe. Much of the legislation of the Confederate Congress 
was based upon the assumed fact, that our Ports would be opened 
l>y foreign interference. Mr. Mcmminger's scheme for raising 
money by a " Produce Loan" was based upon that presumption. 
Mr. Yancey had \vritten home that our Ports would be opened 
prospectively, from time to time, about as often as some of the 
x^orthern Statesmen had designated the time of the termination 
of the " rebellion." The most strained efforts were made during 
the progress of the revolution to keep up this delusion. Tbo 
telegraph was subsidized to gain its assistance. The " reliable 
gentleman " had time and again heard a dispatch read at the 
head-quarters of such a General, that our independence was to bo 
acknowledged at such a time, and our ports opened. 

The position I assumed in the canvass before the people of 
Mississippi was: That we could not reasonably expect any assis- 
tance from foreign nations; that they were opposed to our pecu- 
liar institution which underlaid the revolution, and tliat their 
sympathies Avould be against us; that, however much tiiey might 
rejoice at the dissensions existing here, and would encourage 
them to weaken us as a great rival, especially of England and 
France, the^^ would not take part in the conflict. The Commis- 
sioners sent to Europe were so well aware of the prejudices of the 
English people against slavery that Messrs. Yancey, Mann, and 
Roost, endeavored to place the revolution upon the grounds of 
the Tariff, and exhibited very great weakness in doing so. Mr. 
Yancey, in his speech at the Fish-mongers Company dinner, said: 
"their pursuits, soil, climate and productions are totall}^ different 
from those of the North. They think it their interest to buy 
where they can buy cheapest and sell where they can sell 
dearest. In all this the North differs toto coelo from them^ 
and now makes war upon us to enforce the supremacy of their 
mistaken ideas and seltish interests." 

In a letter subsequently written by these gentlemen to Lord 
John Russel, the cause of the secession movement is attributed to 
the Tariff and not to Slavery. In this view of the subject those 
gentlemen were at least thirty 3'ears beliind the times, and must 
have had their attention directed to the little nullification move- 
mtut of South Carolina in ISS'l. Their great weakness, however, 



17 S^9 



consisted in flattering themselves that Lord John Eussel could be 
so easily deceived, when he understood, perhaps, a little better 
than those gentlemen, the true character of the American question. 



CHAPTEE lY. 

The attempt to assimilate the Secession movement to the Revolutionary 
War — Declaration of grievances — Young Patrick Henrys spring 
up — The delusion of the great sujoeriority of our Southern soldiers — 
Direct Trade idth Europe — Charleston^ Savannah and New Orleans 
to rival Boston^ New York and Philadelphia — Secession of South 
Carolina — Sudden decline in Cotton — The Money Market thep)ulse 
of a Nation. 
3. Long prior to the fall of Fort Sumpter on the 13th of April, 
1851, the commencement of actual hostilities, a great effort had 
been made by the leaders of the secession movement to assimilate 
the revolution they were about to inaugurate, to the revolution of 
our ancestors, which established American independence. Our 
pretended grievances were summed up in imitation of the Decla- 
ration of Lidependence. Young Patrick Henrys sprung up in 
every county, and appeals to the patriotism of the people were 
made which far excelled all the powers of eloquence ever displayed 
b}^ " the forest-born — Demosthenes." Many young orators, who 
had never before appeared upon the stump, made such strained 
efforts, that the hearer was irresistibly reminded of the young- 
Shanghai rooster, so common in this country, that crows so hard, 
that he seems to be in imminent danger of crowing himself out 
of l»s knee joints ! 

Unfortunately these appeals to the people sent thousands of 
the brave young men of the South to the field, who never returned 
to their once happy homes. Instances might be enumerated of 
many imfortunate poor widoAvs, who thus lost all of their sonsj 
and were tlu'own upon the cold charities of the rich, for a bare 
maintenance. Some yoimg ladies were found simple-minded and 
silly enough to send aprons and dolls to those young men whose 
circumstances compelled them to remain at home, till forced off 

C 



18 

by that terrible engine of militaiy des]")otisni known as the "Con- 
script Law." An impression was made upon ouryonniij men that 
nnlcss they took part in tlie revohition, they would be regarded 
as the Tories of the Revohitionary War. This had a powerful 
effect upon the brave and impetuous youth of our country. The 
recollection of the success which had always attended our arms 
in^all the wars in which we had been engaged — the revolutionary 
war — the Avar with England of 1812, and the Mexican war — in- 
spired the belief that we could not engage in any war without 
success. The masses of the people did not stop to compare the 
resources of the different sections of the Union; nor pause to re- 
flect upon the inequality of the conflict into which we were about 
to be plunged. Many of our 3'oung men are always ready for a 
flght, and v\dien it is "a free fight" some care but little upon which 
side they are engaged, so that they are "in." 

4. Another great delusion disseminated among our people was, 
the great superiority of our Southern soldiers to our Northern 
men. It was often said, that " one Southern man could whip half 
a dozen Yankees." This opinion had been formed from the ap- 
pearance of the many delicate clerks and collectors who had been 
sent out by their houses, drumming and collecting through the 
South, and who were more frequently met with the pistol and 
boAvie-knife, than the ready money. It manifested a great ignor- 
ance of the history of the Northern Nations of Europe for bravery 
and endurance when compared with the more Southern tribes. 
This delusion has already been dispelled, especially in regard to 
the frontier men of the North-west. They seemed to be ignorant of 
the fact, that in the United States army would be met some of the 
best men of every civilized nation. It is imdoubtedly true, that 
for impetuous bravery — the daring charge and dashing onset, the 
Southern soldier stands unsurpassed before the world; and in a 
war with any foreign nation, would do prodigies of valor, une- 
qualled upon the pages of military warfare; but when figltting 
against the old flag, under which our fathers had fought and 
bled — endeared to them by all the associations of the past, and 
hopes of the future — under which Washington, Lafayette, Mont- 
gomery, Gates, Green, Jackson and Taylor had fought — that 
waved at King's Mountain, Gilford Court House, Camden, Eutaw, 
Cow-pens, Moultrie and Yorktown — against brethren of the same 
race, and often of the same family; whilst the hearts of many of 
them were never in the cause in which they wei*e enlisted, it is 



19 ^ " 

wonderful timt they displayed the heroism exhibited lit Manassas, 
Leesburg, Behnont and Shiloh. 

5. Direct Trade with Europe, was a favorite theme of indul- 
£,^ence by the secession leaders. Charleston, Savannah and New 
Orleans Avere to rival Boston, New York and Philadelphia, We 
were going to sell everything very Jiigh and buy everything very 
cheap. Our opponents told us, " we will have direct trade with 
Europe. Our commerce will flourish; industry will be amply 
rewarded. Our revenue from imports, instead of going into the 
treasury as now, to be expended in warring upon us, will be di- 
verted into the Southern treasury to support our own friendly 
g-overnment. We will then be relieved of our vassalage to New 
York, and otherNorthern cities, which now subjects us to a mone- 
tary panic whenever there is a stringency in the New York money 
market, which began to be felt before the late Presidential elec- 
tion. In the present deranged state of the cotton market, we 
are experiencing the evil effects of this commercial dependence 
on New York. In our Southern Confederacy we will be free from • 
all this. In.withdrawing we lose nothiiKj and save all." This de- 
lusion led many into the snare. Loud expressions were heard of 
the great value that would attach to land and negroes in the 
event of secession, and some were heard to say that they would 
sell their lands and , negroes at half price if Mississippi did not 
secede; but Mississippi did secede, and instead of land and ne- 
groes advancing, neither will bring half price even in the rag 
money currency of the State, and if put up for gold and silvei^ 
they would not bring one-fourth their usual price. The cities 
that were to rival the cities of the North have languished every 
day they have been out of the Union. Instead of selling every- 
thing very high and buying everything very cheap, we buy every- 
thing very high and sell everything very cheap; instead of direct 
trade with Europe, we have had no trade at all. We have no 
commerce; no revenue from imports; no rewards for our industry- 
none of the golden promises of the secession leaders have been 
realized. Immediately after the secession of South Carolina, cot- 
ton dropped down to six cents, and we were told that it was ow- 
ing to "a stringency in the New York money market I " 

Financial men saw th e dark storm that was approachin <-•. That 
unfailing indication of the condition of a nation, th^ money 
market— the pulse of a nation— was disturbed; but its disturbance 
was produced by the secession of South Carolina. We were told 



20 

that a sudden decline in cotton was produced by a stringency in 
the New York money market, but avo were not told what produced 
that stringency. The first manifestation of any disturbance in Eng- 
land is exhibited by the money market — the decline in Consols. 
vSo in France, in the decline of theEents — the pulse of the nation 
rises or falls, in propoi-tion to the healthfulness of the nation ; so 
it was with the money market of the United States, after the se- 
cession of South Carolina in December, 1860, 



CHAPTEE V. 

Other delusions — Strong attachment to the Union among the old men — • 
A71 incident in the canvass — Meeting of the Convention of Missis- 
sippi — The first and second day's proccetZ/w^s — The Secession 
Ordinance reported on the third day. 

These delusions and many others — some of which were most 
preposterous, such as that unless secession succeeded the negroes 
would be emancipated ard the jjoor Avould have to do the menial 
services of the slaves — were most artfully, ingeniously and some- 
times powerfully impressed upon the people. 

I always found a very strong attachment to the Union among 
the old men of the State. An incident of the canvass will forcibly 
illustrate this fact. At a precinct in the county of Attala, known 
as Crim's Box, where my opponent and myself were to address 
the "sovereigns" on the day of the Convention Election, I ob- 
served an unusual number of ver}^ old men, some of whom had 
fought in the revolutionary war. Seeing a fallen pine near the 
stand, I requested them all to take their seats together upon the 
log. In the course of my remarks I took occasion to paint the 
scenes of the revolution — the struggles of our forefathers — their 
hardshijxs and sufferings — the character and conduct of Washing- 
ton and his com-patriots — the principal battles and other remini- 
sences. When the polls were opened they all went uj) and voted 
together, and all voted the Union Ticket but one. 

The Convention of Mississippi assembled at Jackson on Mon- 
day, January 7th, 1861. I had been requested by several mem- 



37, 

bers of the convention, before the hour of meeting, to call a 
conservative member to the Chair, in order that an organization 
as favorable as possible to the Union cause might be effected. 
This was anticipated however by an ultra Secessionist, who called 
the Convention to order more than thirty minutes before the usual 
time for such bodies to convene, and nominated the Hon. li. T. 
EUett, an ultra member, as temporary Chairman. 

At the suggestion of the Chairman, Rev. C. K. Marshall, of 
Yicksburg, opened the Convention with prayer, as follows : 

"Oh, Almighty God, we come into Thy presence on this occa- 
sion, so solemn, so freighted with high and holy resolves, humbly 
and earnestly beseeching Thee to be with us in our councils. 
Send down Thy spirit that these Thy servants may consummate 
such measures as shall result in the maintainance and propaga- 
tion of the principles of self-government. Our Heavenly Father, 
Thou hast seen the malign influence of our sister States, and Thou 
hast heard, too, the cry of those who sought Thy guidance. Help 
our Southern country ; protect her in her rights, and teach these, 
the people's servants, to carry out Thy law with coolness and 
dispassionate forgetfulness of self. Help them to bury party 
animosities, to forget past controversies of party, and go forth in 
the faithful performance of the high and holy duties which are 
now their special care. And if the sword of the enemy be drawn 
against us. Oh, God, be our guide in the bloody contest, and, vic- 
torious in peace we shall inscribe Thy great name. And now, 
Heavenly Father, we commend to Thine especial care, the interests 
of the world at large. Help us to perform our obligations to each 
other, and may we never have occasion to regret our actions in 
this cause. Amen." 

The roll of Counties was then called, the following delegates 
registering their names: Adams : A. K. Farrar, J. Winchester; 
Attala: John W.Wood, E.H.Sanders; Amite: D. W. Hurst; 
Bolivar: Miles H. McGehee; Carroll: W. Booth, J. Z.George; 
Claiborne: Henry T. Ellett; Coahoma: J.L.Alcorn; Copiah: 
P. S. Catchings, Ben. King; Clark: S. H. Terrill; Choctaw: W. 
F.Brantley, AV. H. Witty, J. H. Edwards; Chickasaw: C. B. 
Baldwin, J. A. Orr; Covington : A. C. Powell; Calhoun: M. D. 
L. Stephens, W. A. Sumner; DeSoto: J. R. Chalmers, S. D. John- 
son, Thos. Lewers; Frank'in: D. H. Parker; Green: T. J. Roberts; 
Hinds: W. P. Harris, W. P. Anderson, W. B. Smart; Holmes: W. 
L. Keirn, J. M. Dyer; Harrison: D. C. Glenn; Hancock: J. B. 



22 

Deason; Issaquena: Albert C. Gibson; Itawamba: E. 0. Beene, 
W. H. Tison, M. C. Curamings, A. B. Bullard; Jasper: O. C. 
Dease; Jackson: A. E. Lewis; Jefferson: J. S. Johnston; Jones: 
J. H. Powell; Kemper: O. Y. Neely, Thos. H. Wood; Lawrence: 
Wm. Gwin; Lowndes: Geo. K. Clayton, W. S. Barry; Leake: W. 
B. Colbert; Lauderdale: J. B. Eamsay, C. F. Simmes; Lafaj^ette: 
L. Q. C. Lamar, T. D. Isom; Marshall: J. W. Clapp, Samuel Benton, 
H. W. Walter, A. M. Clayton, Willis M. Lea; Madison: A. P. Hill; 
Monroe: S. J. Gholson, F. M. Eogers; Marion: Hamilton Mayson; 
]N"oxubee: Israel Welsh; Neshoba: J. L. Backstrow; Newton: M. 
M. Keith; Octibbeha : T. C. Bookter; Perry : P. J. Myers; Pike: J. 
M. Nelson; Panola: J. B.Fiser, F. A. McGehee ; Pontatoc: H. E. 
Miller, E. W. Flournoy, C. D. Fontaine, J. B. Herring; Eankin: J. 
J. Thornton, W. Denson; Sunflower: E. P. Jones; Simpson: W. J. 
Douglas; Smith: W. Thompson; Scott: C. W. Taylor; Tallahatchie: 
A. Patterson; Tishomingo: A. E. Eeynolds, J. A. Blair, T, P. 
Young, W. W. Bonds; Tunica: Andrew Miller; Tippah: Joel H. 
Berry, Orlando Davis, D. B. Wright, J. L. Davis; Washington: J. 
S. Yerger ; Wilkinson: Alfred C. Holt; Wayne: W. J. Eckford; 
Warren : T. A. Marshall, W. Brooke; Winston: W. S. Boiling. 
John Kennedy; Yazoo: Henry Vaughan, G. B. AYilkinson; Yalla- 
busha: W. E. Barksdale, F. M. Aldridge. 

After some unimportant business, necessar}^ for a permanent 
organization, L. Q. C. Lamar, of Lafayette, offered the following- 
resolution which was adopted : 

Resolved, That a committee of be appointed to 

prepare and report, as speedily as possible, an Ordinance provid- 
ing for the withdrawal of the State of Mississippi from the 
present Federal Union, with a view to the establishment of a 
new Confederacy, to be composed of the Seceding States. After 
some discussion the blank in the resolution was filled by inserting 
fifteen. 

The President appointed the following gentlemen as such 
committee: L. Q. C. Lamar, of Lafayette; G. E. Clayton, of 
Lowndes ; Wiley P. Harris, of Hinds ; S. J. Gholson, of Monroe ; 
J. L. Alcorn, of Coahoma; H. T.Ellet, of C'aiborne; W. Brooke, 
of Warren; H. E. Miller, of Pontatoc; John A. Blair, of Tishho- 
mingo; A. M. Clayton, of Marshall; Alfred Holt, of AVilkinson ; 
J. Z. George, of Carroll ; E. H. Sanders, of Attala ; Benjamin 
King, of Copiah ; Orlando Davis, of Tippah. 



23 JVIL 

The proceedings of the second day all indicated very clearly 
that the secession of Mississippi was already /aiY accompli. 

Mr. Walter, of Marshall offered the folloAving : 

Resolved, That the Committee on Constitutional Amendments 
be instructed to report as soon as practicable, after its appoint- 
ment, an amendment to the Constitution of this State author- 
izing it to borrow money for purpose of military defence, and to 
pledge the faith of the State for the repayment of the loan. 

"He thought this Convention ought to vote the necessary 
means for the defence and protection of the State. No one 
doubted its prompt withdrawal." 

Mr. Gholson in reply to some remarks about dividing the 
responsibility with the Legislature, said he didn't come here for 
that purpose. He held the power of the Convention to be 
omnipotent, and thought it devolved upon this body to borrow 
the mon<^y. 

Mr. Chalmers, of De Soto, moved to strike out the words, " an 
amendment to the Constitution of this State," and substitute the 
word " ordinance." 

Mr. Alcorn, of Coahoma, thought that, if the Convention pro- 
joosed amending the present Constitution, certain difficulties would 
thereby be raised. 

Mr. Hill, of Madison, thought that the Convention sho'ild con- 
form itself to the fifth section of the Convention-bill — that it did 
not possess the power to amend the Constitution. That the 
Convention was called for the specific object of acting upon the 
provisions of that bill. 

Mr. Ellett, of Claiborne, remarked, that the amendment 
offered by the gentleman from De Soto was, of necessity, an 
amendment to the Constitution. He had no scruples about the 
power of the Convention to amend the Constitution, in any par- 
ticular. 

Mr. Flournoy, of Pontatoc, entirely concerted with the views 
expressed by gentlemen, that this Convention possessed sover- 
eign and absolute power to amend, alter or abolish, the present 
Constitution, as it might see jiroper. 

Mr. Chalmers insisted on his amendment. 

Mr. Harris, of Hinds, said he had no doubt of the power of 
the Convention to deal with the Constitution of the State. It 
was understood throughout the country, however, that we would 
not touch it except in points necessary to advance the remedy, to 



24 

which we are determined to resort, in the present emergency. The 
proposition which is to effect this Constitution, and contemphites 
the measures necessary to raise money, should be matured in 
committee ; when matured, then it would be reported as an ordi- 
nance of the Convention. 

Though inclined, at first not to vote for the resolution, because 
he thought money would be raised by taxation in the first 
instance, he was disposed to remove all obstacles in the wa}^ of 
every resource at our command. He would, therefore, vote for the 
orio-inal resolution — not deeming the difference between the 
mover and the gentleman from Pontatoc verv material. 

Mr. Clayton, of Marshall, spoke to the question. 

Mr. Clayton, of Lowndes, held that the Constitution was 
obligatory upon this Convention until it is altered in the 
manner provided by the instrument itself. If we proceed, 
by an ordinance, to pledge the State to raise the necessary means, 
it would be in direct violation of the organic law. The Constitu- 
tion should be changed, so as to enable us to pledge the faith of 
the State legally. 

Mr. Alcorn was prepared to go with him who goes farthest to 
realize money for the defence of the State. The Constitution 
pointed out the mode in which it should be amended — submitted 
to and voted upon by the people. He held, however, that this 
Convention has plenary power — that its ordinances were above 
the Constitution — that we must stand above it; or, if we under- 
take to be governed by it, then we must stand by it in all its 
details. He had no hesitation to vote upon an ordinance to place 
the State on a loar footing. 

Mr. Welsh, of Noxubee, thought this Convention possessed the 
power to amend the Coustitution. Here are the people ? ' He 
was in favor of the original resolution. 

Mr. Hill, of Madison, explained his position. He would vote 
for the amendment offered by the gentleman from De Soto. He 
didn't think this Convention was sovereign in every respect, or 
had illimitable power over the existing Constitution. He was 
prepared to vote for any measures looking toward the vindication 
of the sovereignty of the State. 

Mr. Glenn said he felt somewhat sensitive as to any difference 
among the members on any important matter. He was ready to 
3'ield, for the sake of harmony. He could not a.q-ree with the 
gentleman from Madison, nor yet with the gentleman from 



J.0 



^ys 



Coahoma; but he would concede to either, an he believed both 
looked to the prompt loitlidravxil of Mississippi, from the Union. 

[Loud applause from the galleries, when the President 
remarked, that he would not tolerate any further demonstrations 
in that quarter. 

Mr. Fontaine, of Pontatoc, spoke to the question. 

Mr. Benton, of Marshall, Avas in favor of the original resolu- 
tion. The amendment of his honorable friend from De Soto, if 
passed, would virtually be an amendment of .the Constitution.'^ 
He thought it better, therefore, to make au amendment in terms. 
He entertained no doubt of the power of the Convention to 
amend the Constitution, but thought the exercise of tlmt power 
should be coufiued to matters coming within the perview of the 
general object for which the Convention was called. He thought 
the matter of arming the State came full}'' within that object. 

Mr. Welsh, of Noxubee, raised a point of order. 

Mr. Wright, of Tippah, said the delegates to this Convention 
were fresh from the people, and they knew the wants of their 
constituency, and he believed it was the duty of this body to pre- 
pare, by arming, the State for any emergency, in defence of her 
rights. He preferred the amendment of the gentleman from Dc 
Soto. 

The amendment, on a call of the Convention, was lost, and the 
original resolution was adopted. 

The President read a telegraphic dispatch from Georgia, 
announcing that there was no doubt of the immediate secession 
of that State. 

The reading of this dispatch created great excitement, when 
the President called the galleries to order, stating that the galleries 
would be cleared if order was not observed. Mr. Glenn reported 
himself as having participated in the expression of exultation. 
[Laughter, — the ladies in the gallerj^ looking smilingly in the 
direction of Mr. Glenn.] 

Mr. Gholson moved to adjourn till to-morrow morning, to 
allow the Committee on Ordinance time to report. 

Mr. Harris, of Hinds, arose' to explain, that there Avas no dif- 
ference in the Committee on the main point, and he thought they 
would be prepared to report to-morrow^ morning. 

Mr. Gholson then, at 12 o'clock, renewed his motion to adjourn 
till to-morrow morning at 10 o'clock, which was cainued. 

On the third day of the Con- ention, Mr. Lamar, Chairman of 

D 



26 

the Committee to draft Ordinance of Secession, said the Commit- 
tee was ready to report. At 11 h o'clock, a. m., the Convention 
went into secret session, to consider the report, and remained in 
secret session till half past 4 o'clock, p. m., greatly to the disap- 
pointment of the assembled multitude. Never before had such a 
large assembly of the people of Mississippi been seen at Jackson. 
All the leading Secessionists of the State, many of them bringing 
their wives and daughters, had congregated at the Capitol, not 
^that they doubted the passage of the Ordinance of Secession, but 
to see it " well done." Companies of infantry, cavalry and artil- 
lery, made an unusual display for those "piping times of peace." 
The sound of the fife and drum was heard in every direction ; 
the hotels were crowded to overflowing; the bars did an 
extremely flourishing business. Notwithstanding the unfavora- 
ble indications, and outside pressure, I determined to make a last 
eftort for the old Flag, more as a protest than with the hope of 
defeatingthe passage of the ordinance, by a speech before the Con- 
vention, which I will submit to the reader as apart of the history 
of the times. 



CHAPTBE VI. 

Speech Delivered in the Mississippi Convention on the Ordinance of 
Secession, January 9th, 1861. 

" Mr. President : Napoleon I. nor Garabaldi could never suc- 
cessfully carry out a revolution, unless the hearts of the people 
Avere in such revolution. I have strong convictions, Sir, that the 
hearts of the people of Mississippi are not in this revolution. I 
know that the hearts of my constituents are not, and I shall 
represent their will upon this floor, if I stand alone in my posi- 
tion. "We have been hastily called from among the people, while 
the excitement of a presidential election has not yet subsided. 
This excitement will subside, and'I am apprehensive that the ver- 
dict ot the people, upon calm reflection, will be against hastily 
and rashly tearing down the fairest fabric of Freedom ever 
erected in the civilized world. 

" I have given a calm and patient investigation to the important 
subject under consideration. I have consulted the Apostles of 



z< 



S7/^ 



our Government, besought the Author of "Wisdom for counsel; 
laid aside all other considerations but the welfare of the people of 
the South, and only desired to be right. I have no political aspi- 
rations to advance, or ambitious designs to gratify. Born in the 
' Old Dominion' — my ancestors being large slave-holders, and 
always a slave-holder myself — my family all native Mississippians, 
I challenge any member of this body for greater devotion to the 
true interests of the South. 

" Mr President: The old ship of State has stood many severe 
storms. As early as 1790, a storm of great danger blew over the 
decks of the old Yessel, arising from a question now almost 
forgotten — the permanent location of the Capitol. Madison and 
Ames feared then she would go down, but she weathered it. 
Again, in 1820, another storm arose in the West, and shook the 
old Vessel to her centre ; but she bravely rode out of it in safety. 
"Again, in 1832, when one of the Stars, in our constellation of 
States, attempted ' to fly madly from its sphere,' another storm 
arose, out of a question not connected with slavery, which seemed 
for a time to portend inevitable destruction; but she survived 
that. And still again, in 1850, within the recollection of most of 
us here, clouds and darkness gathered around her, and some, 
even then, were for deserting her and giving themselves to the 
winds and waves; but she rode out of that storm. And now, 
again, we find the Old Ship enveloped in the blackness of dark- 
ness. Shall we desert her? Others, or all, may do as they 
please ; but as for myself, I shall stand upon the Old Ship as long- 
as there is a plank upon her decks, or an inch of canvass fluttering 
in the breeze. 

"Mr. President: Your ears have been lulled by the cry of 
peaceable secession ; but. Sir, there is no such thing as peaceable 
secession. It is revolution that you are inaugurating — a revolu- 
tion that may not terminate before the heel of some military 
despot is placed upon the necks of the people. Peaceable secesr 
sion ! Sir, if ever the sun of this Union goes down, it will sink 
beneath the horizon bathed in the blood of thousands and tens of 
thousands of the best men of our country. This day, which has 
been ushered in with so much enthusiasm, by the assembled 
thousands here, I fear, will prove the darkest day that ever broke 
upon the State. Let us pause and reflect, before we plunge into 
the dark abyss now opening at our feet. Let us carefully con- 
sider the consequences that will surely follow the passage of the 



28 

Ordinance of Secession. We £;-o off to ourselves, without an 
arm}^, without a nav}', witliout a single vessel, and without any 
means of constructing- a navy, even if one could be built in a day 
with the proper resources. We assume the responsibilities of a 
new government at a time when our State Treasury is bankrupt, 
and when the State herself cannot possibly borrow a dollar in the 
money markets of the world. When our State has neither money 
nor credit, how is she to carry on an independent government, 
either by hersef or with the few States that are expected to go 
with her ? Only by Taxation. And, Sir, although the people 
may rest satisfied for a while, under the novelty of the ncAV order 
of things, when you lay the iron hand of taxation upon them, and 
the millions of dollars in hard cash are wrung from the tax-paj^ers, 
by the tax-collectors, a voice of indignation will rise in thunder 
tones from the masses of the people, which will shake the highest 
seats of the rulers of the coniemplated Confederacy. Arms and 
munitions of war must be provided, and large bodies of men 
equipped for militar}^ service. The extensive military prepara- 
tions now making, and the organizations of companies now going 
on, show, conclusively, that those who are urging this revolution 
onward, do not expect it to be peaceable. They smell the battle 
afar off, and are marshaling their forces. Complicated ques- 
tions of boundaries ; of the right to navigate the Mississippi river 
and its numerous tributaries ; of duties on imports, exports, and 
many other equally difficult and perplexing questions, would soon 
rob secession of its peaceable coaracter, and light up the flames of 
civil w^ar. And what right have we to expect that the Govern- 
ment of the United States Avill peaceabl}" permit its own dissolu- 
tion ? 

" We have heard much said about the right of secession — of 
the Constitutional right of secession — but. Sir, there is no such 
right. There is not a single word in the Constitution of the 
United States that recognizes, or can be construed to recognize, 
the right of secession. Mr. Calhoun claimed the right from facts 
outside the Constitution, and in contradiction of a fact stated in 
its preamble. 'We, the people of the United States,' made the 
Constitution; but Mr. Calhoun says: No, — the people did not 
make it, the States made it. Mr. Calhoun admitted that if the 
Constitution had, in truth, been made as its preamble recites, by 
the people, or, in other words, by the whole nation, then there 
would not be a pretense for the right of secession. An issue of 



29 



iJS' 



fact is thus raised between tlie Constitution of the United States 
and Mr. Calhoun. Mr. Calhoun claims that, because the people 
of the several States, through their Conventions, ratified the 
Constitution, it was a creation and ratification by States ; but the 
whole people created and ratified it, in the only way they could, 
He claimed the Government of the United St,ates to be a Confed- 
eracy of States, each having the right, incident, as he said, to all 
Confedei'acies, of seceding when she pleases. His conclusion 
would not follow his premises, even if they were true; but they 
are not true. He compared the Union to a partnership of unde- 
fined duration between individuals, from which each has a right 
to withdraw at pleasure; but the cases are not analogous. The 
Constitution is the great act of incorporation, binding the States., 
as corporate entities, in a perpetual Union, and their citizens into 
one common indissoluble nationality. It is like an indissoluble 
act of incorporation, from which no stockholder has a right to 
withdraw his funds. It is an agreement between the citizens of 
the States to fuze themselves into an indissoluble nationalit}^, like 
that of Aragon and Castile, or England and Scotland. The right 
of secession is a mere abstraction, about as reasonable as the 
right of a part owner of a boat to destroy his part. This whole 
doctrine of Mr. Calhoun is a fallacj^, a heresy, a delusion, never 
to be practically realized, and only to tcminate in a bloody revo- 
lution. This, Sir, is not the only delusion resting upon this body. 
We have been taught to believe that ' Cotton is King,' and that 
England and Prance will be forced to intervene in our behalf. I 
fear, Sir, that this is a delusion, I have no confidence in foreign 
aid. The sympathies, not only of France and England, but of 
the civilized world will be against us. They are opposed to the 
institution which underlies this revolution. The great danger is, 
if our cotton is withheld to force them to our assistance, that 
when we may again off'er it to them, they will tell us they do not 
want it; that they have made other arrangements. It may 
cause them a temporary inconvenience, but their gratification at 
the dissentions in our republic, with the hope of an extinction of 
slavery, will rather induce them to forego that inconvenience, 
than to intervene in our favor. We cannot control the commerce 
of the world. It will seek its wants and necessities in other 
climes and other countries. 

" Mr. President: I do not intend to discuss this important 
subject further. You and I, and all the memliers present, have 



30 

alread}- fully discussed, before the people, all of the points 
involved. Lot me only warn you and this Convention, that if 
Secession is carried out, there will be nothing but ruin and deso- 
lation follow in its course — war, war, inevitable war, the deprecia- 
tion of every species of property, stop laws, and bankrupt laws, 
the neglect of agricultural pursuits, the collection of large bodies 
of troops, the diseases which will necessarily spread among them ; 
and before the last act in the great drama is closed, not only war, 
but ' war, pestilence and famine' will spread over the land a scene 
of devastation, desolation and destruction. 

"The last words I have to say are, that posterity will hold you. 
Sir, and this Convention, responsible for the act which you this 
day commit." 



CHAPTEE VII. 



Wote to the Reporter of the Conventmi — His Reply — Scene in the 
Hall of the House of Representatives on the passage of the Ordi. 
nance of Secession — Ceremony of Signing — The Ordinance. 

Seeing that the Convention had made up their minds to pass 
the Secession Ordinance I determined to take no further j)art in 
their proceedings, although I remained at the Capitol for ten days 
after the passage of the Ordinance. After my return home, I ad- 
dressed a note to Mr. J. L. Power, the Reporter of the Conven- 
tion, requesting the publication of my speech, as a part of the 
proceedings, in order that my protest might go to the public, 
Avith the proceedings of the Convention, and received from him 
the following reply : 

"Jackson, Miss., February 14th, 1861. 

" Hon. John W. Wood — Dear Sir : 

" Your esteemed favor is at hand. 
You may send me the speech, though I an not certain as to the 
propriet}^ of publishing it. The members will recognize it as being 
delivered in secret session. However, I will consult with proper 
persons as to the propriety, as one or two other speeches 
delivered in secret session are in my possession. At any rate, I 
should be pleased to have the speech. I have, by resolution of 



31 S-yc 



the Convention, the exclusive right, for five years, of publishing 
the proceedings, (except 20,000 copies by State printer), and if 
I cannot use your speech in my first edition, 1 sliall in the next. 
Make it as brief as the arguments will admit. 

Eespectfully, J. L. POWEE." 

My speech was never published. The passage of the Ordi- 
nance was announced by the roar of artillery. The old Flag, 
which had been so long in the Capitol, was taken down, and a 
new one, with one star, placed in its stead, amid the shouts of the 
multitude and applause of the members. The scene in the Hall 
of the House of Representatives can be better imagined than 
described. 

"On motion, the President was requested to have the Ordi- 
nance of Secession written on parchment, and appropriately 
arranged for the signatures of the members; also, to telegraph 
the result of this day's proceedings to the Mississippi delegation 
in Congress, and to the different slave-holding States.- At this 
point, Mr. C. R. Dickson entered the hall, bearing a beautiful silk 
banner, Avith a single star in the center, which he handed to the 
President of the Convention, as a pi'esent from Mrs. H. H. Smyth, 
of Jackson. The President remarked, that it was the first ban- 
ner unfurled in the young Republic, when the members saluted it 
by rising — the vast audience present uniting in shouts of ajjplause." 

The ceremony of signing the Ordinance took place on Tues- 
day, January 15th, the 8th day of the session, in presence of the 
Governor, Senate and House of Representatives, in j)ursuance of 
the following resolution : 

" On motion of Mr. Clayton, of Marshall. 

Resolved^ That when the Convention proceeds to sign the 
Ordinance of Secession, it be first signed by the President, and 
attested by the Secretary of the Convention ; that the counties 
be then called in^lphabetical order, and that the delegates affix 
their signatures in the order in which their counties and their 
own names are called. 

" Resolved, also, That the Governor of this State, and the Senate 
and House of Representatives, be invited to be j^resent at the 
time the same is signed." 

I was urged by many old friends, some of whom had held high 
positions in the United States Government, to sign the Ordinance, 
for the sake of unanimity. Indeed, I was told that it was " a 
second Declaration of Independence," and that my name should 






9.'}. 



he upon it, to hand down to my children. My reply was, that 1 
would not sign what mj'- conscience and judgment did not 
approve; and that I would rather hand down to my children the 
remembrance of the fact that I was the member of the Missis- 
sippi State Convention who refused to sign the Ordinance of 
Secession. 

The Ordinance was carefully wa-itten on parchment, beautifully 
framed, and conspicuously hung in the Capitol. In a few days it 
might be seen in all the hotels, stores, shops, and other public 
places; even sold upon the streets, and soon became circulated 
throughout the State. 

The following is the Ordinance : 

"AN OEDINANCE 
" To Dissolve the Union between the State of Mississippi and other 
States united with her under the compact entitled, ' The Constitu- 
tion of -the United States of America.' 



" The people of the State of Mississippi, in Convention assem- 
bled, do ordain and declare, and it is hereby ordained and declared, 
as follows, to-wit : 

Section 1st. That all the laws and ordinances by which the 
said State of Mississijjpi became a member of the Federal Union 
of the United States of America be, and the same are hereby, 
repealed; and that all obligations on the part of the said State, or 
the people thereof, to observe the same, be withdrawn, and that 
the said State doth hereby resume all the rights, functions and 
powers, which, by any of said laws or ordinances, wore conveyed 
to the Government of the said United States ; and is absolved 
from all the obligations, restraints and duties, incurred to the said 
Federal Union, and shall from henceforth be a free and inde- 
pendent State. % 

" Sec. 2. That so much of the first section of the seventh 
article of the Constitution of this State, as requires members of 
the Legislature, and all officers executive and judicial, to take an 
oath or affirmation to support the Constitution of the United 
State, be, and the same is, hereby abrogated and annulled. 

" Sec. 3. That all rights acquired and vested under the Consti- 
tution of the United States, or under acts of Congress passed, or 
treaty made, in ]jursuanee thereof, or under any law of this State, 
and not incompatible with this Ordinance, shall remain in form 



sv^ 



and have the same effect as if this Ordinance had not been passed. 
" Sec. 4. That the peoj)ie oC the State of Mississippi hereby 
consent to form a Federal CJnion with such of the States as may 
have seceded, or may secede from the Union of the United States 
of America, upon the basis of the present Constitution of the 
said United States, except such parts thereof as embrace other 
portions than such.secediiig States. 

" Thus ordained and dechired in Convention, the 9th day of 
January, in the year of oar Lord One Thousand Eight Hundred 
and Sixtv-one. 

WILLIAM S. BAEEY, President. 
F. A. Pope, Secretary. 

^' In Testimony of the passage of wliich, and the determination 
of the members of the Convention to uphold and maintain the 
State in the position she has assumed by said Ordinance, it is 
signed by the President and membei-s of this Convention, this the 
fifteenth day of January, A. D. 1861. 



A. K. Farrar, 
J. Winchester, 
E. II. Sanders, 
D. W. Hurst, 
Miles H. McGehee, 
J. Z. George, 
W. Booth,' 
Henry T. Ellett, 
J. L. Alcorn, 
P. S. Catchings, 
Ben. King, 
S. H. Terrill, 
W. F. Brantley, 
W. H. Witty, 
J. H. Edwards, 
J. A. Orr, 
(J. B. Baldwin, 
A. C. Powell, 
Yv^. A. Sumner, 
M. D.L. Stephens, 
J. R. Chalmers, 
S. D. Johnson, 
Thos. Lewers, 
]). H. Parker, 
T. J. Eobcrts, 
W. P. Harris, 
W. P. Anderson, 
W. B. Smart 
J. M. Dyer, 
W. L. Keirn, 
J). C. Glenn, 
J. B. Deason, 



Albert C. Gibson, 
R. O. Beeue, 
A. B. Ballard, 
M. H. Tison, 
M. C. Cummings, 
O. C. Dease, 
A. E. Lewis, 
J. S. Johnston, 
J. H. Powell, 
Thos. H. Wood, 
Wm. Gwin, 
Geo. K. Clayton, 
W. B. Colbert, 
J. B. Eamsay, 
F. C. Simmes, 
L. Q. C. Lamar, 
T. H. Isom, 
A. M. Clayton, 
J. W. Clapp, 
Samuel Benton, 
W. H. Walter, 
Willis M. Lea, 
A. P. Hill, 
S. J. Gholson, 
J^\ M. Rogers, 
Hamilton May son, 
Israel "W'clsh 
J. L. Backstrom, 
M. M. Keith, 
T. C. Bookter, 
P. J. Mvers, 
J. M. ]Nelson, 
E 



J. B. Fiser, 
F. A. McGehee, 
C. I). Fontaine, 
J. B. Herring, 
IL' R. Miller, 
R. TV". Flourno}'', 
W. Denson, 

E. P. Jones, 
W. J. Douglas, 
W. Thompson, 

C. W. Taylor, 
A. Patterson, 
A. E. Reynolds, 
W. W. Bonds, 
T. P.Young, 

J. A. Blair, 
Andrew Miller, 
Orlando Davis, 
Joel H. Berrj^, 
J. L. Davis, 

D. B. Wright, 
J. S. Yergei-, 
Alfred C. Holt, 
W.J. Eckford, 
W. Brooke, 

T. A. Marshall, 
John Kennedy, 
W. S. Boiling, 

F. M. Aldridge, 
W. R. Barksdale, 
Henry Yaughan. 

G. B. Wilkinson." 



* \ 



C II A P T E E VIII. 

Second Session of the Mississippi State Convention — The question of 
the mode of ratification of the Constitution — Report of my remarks 
— Letter to " Chronicle" — The Constitution ratified 'Vy the Conven- 
tion — Indignation of the people. 

On the 12tli of March, 1861, the Congress of the Confederate 
States adopted a Permanent Constitution, which was submitted to 
the Convention of the States for ratification. The President of 
the Mississippi Convention called that body together for that 
purpose, on the 25th of March, 1861. 

A question of much importance arose in the Convention as to 
the mode of ratification, whether by the Convention or directly 
by the people. JSTot believing that the hearts of the masses of 
the people of Mississippi were ever in the Secession movement, 
about three months having elapsed since the election, I doubted 
whether the people of the State would ever ratify a Constitution 
containing the objectionable features of the instrument made at 
Montgomery. Believing too, that it was not the province of the 
Convention, which had been elected for an entirely different pur- 
pose, to pass upon the ratification or rejection of the Constitution, 
I determined to take a stand in favor of ratification directly by 
the people and present an Ordinance for that purpose. A meagre 
report of my remarks upon the subjuct appeared in the proceed- 
ings of Tuesday, March 26th, 1861, as follows: 

" Mr. Wood, of Attala, addressed the Convention at length 
on the Ordinance, which he gave notice before the adjournment 
of the morning session, he would offer. He cited the action of 
the Convention of 1851, and quoted the following from the report 
of the Committee of that body composed of Messrs. W. E. Cannon, 
Samuel N. Grilliland and W. P. Harris, in supj^ort of the duty of 
referring this matter to the people. 

" They hold it to be their duty to submit the action of the 
Convention to the people of the State. An ordinary degree of 
respect for the peo^^le would seem to call for such a course, justice 
and fair dealing towards our constituents demand it. We are 
holding and excercising the sovereignty of the State. Our opin- 
ions, our acts, become the sovericgn will of the people. It is an 
universal rule — one never hitherto violated in the practice of any 
State in the Union — that such should be submitted to the j^eople 
for their judgment. In ordinary legislative action, no such neces- 



^7i 



35 / 

sity exists as the same power which makes, can repeal laws. But 
when the sovereignty of the State has acted it can never be 
changed without calling into action again the powers of the peo- 
ple through an organized form. Hence the palpable necessity that 
their opinion should be had, before any supreme rule of action 
any law, any great ]brinciple should be enforced upon them. Dis- 
trust of the popular will does not become a popular representa- 
tive ; and we have ever held that system of government the 
wisest which most frequentlj^ seeks an expression of the popular 
will." 

" Two of these distinguished men, who submitted that report, 
had gone to their long rest ; one of them was on this floor, and 
he hoped to hear him advocating now a policy which he ap- 
proved in 1851. Mr. Wood also cited Gen. Quitman in support of 
this principle. In his address to the "Democratic State Eights' 
party of Mississippi," at that period, on retiring from further con- 
test for gubernatorial honor, Gen. Quitman said : 

" It is true that the State has not yet spoken authoritatively; even 
the acts of the Conventmi will not be binding until they shall have been 
ratified by a vote of the people. 

"Mr. Wood assailed many of the ^propositions enunciated by 
the gentleman from Harrison. The greatest work, said he, that 
could be submitted to man is the building up of a good govern- 
ment. You are now trying a second experiment. JSTo spot on 
the face of the earth now affords evidence of the perpetuity of 
the republican system ; and he stated as his humble conviction 
that unless a course is adopted that will fasten the new govern- 
ment in the affections of the people, it would be of short duration. 
He thought that the delegates to Montgomery should be the first 
to desire their actions should be submitted to the people for ratifi- 
cation. There was no pressing necessity for the Constitution to 
be hastily ratified by this Convention. The very faefthat this is 
a debatable question, proves that it should be submitted to the 
people. As a naked question, he believed that tliis Convention 
had the power, without the right — the power that the despot 
v\'ould exercise. He quoted from the message of Gov. Pettus, 
convening the extra session of the Legislature, in November last, 
for the purpose of calling a Convention. 

" Embodied in the reserved rights of the States, is the soul of 
American liberty — the great saving principle to which alone the 
Southern States can look and live. This saving principle must 



OO 

perish under Black Republican rule Then go down into Egypt 
while Herod reigns in Judea; it is the onl}^ means of saving the 
life of this Emanuel of American polities, and when, in after 
years, it shall be told you, that they who sought the life of this 
Prince of Peace and fraternity, are dead, you may come up out 
of Egypt, and realize all the fond hopes of patriots and sages, of 
peace on earth and good will among men, under the benign influ- 
ence of a re-united Government, deriving its just poioei'S from the con- 
sent of the governed. 

" It is dangei'ous to alienate the affections of the people from 
this Government. Great is the power of this Convention, 
but greater, by far greater, is the power of the people. If 
we are unwilling to submit the Constitution to the peo- 
ple, they will ratify it. How easy for the Legislature to call 
another Convention. He saw no force in the argument that, 
because Commissioners desire to go to European governments 
under the auspices of a Permanent Government, we should deprive 
the peojDle of their right to act upon the organic law. Those 
governments are aware that a separation has taken place — that 
this is the cotton region; and if they are disposed to treat with 
us, we have now a strong Provisional Government, which he 
regarded as more efficient than the government contemplated 
by the Permanent Constitution. 

" Mr. Wood submitted the following ordinance : 
"AlSr OEDI NANCE 
" To Provide for Submitting the Permanent Conetitution of the Confed- 
erate States of America to the People of the State of Mississippi.. 

"Section 1. Be it ordained by the people of Mississippi, in 
Convention assembled, that the Permanent Constitution of the 
Confederate States, adopted b}^ the Provisional Congress, at 
Montgomery, on the day of ISGl, shall be submitted to 

the qualified voters of Mississippi, for their ratification or rejec- 
tion. 

" Sec. 2. That for this purpose an election shall be held at the 
diiferent election precincts throughout the State, on the day 

of 1861, which election shall be held and conducted in 

all respects, and the returns thereof be made in the same manner, 
as now provided bylaw for the election of members of the Legis- 
lature. 

" Sec. 3. That the said Constitution and Ordinance be pub- 



lishcd in the Mississippian, at least thirty days prior to tlie date 
of said election. 

" Sec. 4. That at least thirty days prior to the day of 

1861, the Governor of this State shall issue his procla- 
mation for holding said election. 

" Sec. 5. That, at said election, the electors shall endorse on 
their ballots, ' Constitution accepted,' or 'Constitution rejected;' 
and if, from the returns made, it shall aj)pear that a majority, of 
the qualified voters, of the State have accepted the Constitution, 
then the Grovernor shall issue his proclamation, declaring the fact, 
and shall notify the President of the Confederate States, that said 
Constitution has been ratified by the people of the State of Mis- 
sissippi; and, in case of rejection, then the Governor shall imme- 
diately notify the President of this Convention of the fact, and 
the President shall call together this Convention, at as early a 
day as practicahle, with the view of determining upon the best 
course of action for the future welfare of the State. 

" Sec. 6. All ordinances, or parts of ordinances, of this Con- 
vention, conflicting with this Ordinance, are hereby repealed." 

Conspicuous among the advocates for a ratification hy the 
Convention, were the delegates to the Montgomery Convention, 
including the President of the State Convention. The debate 
was marked with a degree of ability and interest far exceeding 
any other debate in the Convention. The influence of outsiders 
was brought to bear very heavily upon the result. 

I had very little hope of the passage of my Ordinance, as will 
ajDpear by the following letter addressed to the editors of the 
" Chronicle," and pdblished in its issue of March 29th, 1861, 
which had been the organ of the Union party of my county. 
" Hall op the House op Eepresentatives, ") 
"Jackson, March 27, 1861. | 

" Editors Chronicle : 

" The Convention has taken no decisive action upon an^^ sub- 
ject of importance. The question whether the Permanent Con- 
stitution shall be ratified by the Convention, or submitted to a 
direct vote of the people, absorbs all other questions. You will 
observe, from the proceedings of yesterday, that the question 
now stands before the Convention upon the report of the Com- 
mittee to ratify by the Convention, and my ordinance offered, as 
a substitute, leaving the question to a direct vote of the people, 
at the ballot-box. Yerger and Clayton's Ordinances, which you 



38 

will find in the first da3^'s proceedings, were rejected, and I am 
apprehensive that mine will share the same fate, though the vote 
on mine will be close. A powerful outside influence is being 
brought to bear on ratifj'ing by this Convention. The truth is, 
many of them are afraid the peop'e will reject the proposed Con- 
stitution. 

" It is hard to work against a dead majority, but I have some 
hopes of getting my ordinance passed. Should the majority of 
the Convention deny to the people the right to say under what 
kind of a Constitution they are to live, it will raise a shout of 
indignation from the JVlississippi river to the Alabama line, and 
from the Grulf to Tennessee, which will shake the pillars of the 
Confederacy to its center, if not cause it to tumble into dust, 
while many of its aspiring leaders and demagogues will sink 
beneath the ruins of the fallen temple. The people have the right 
to say under what kind of government they will live, and no set 
of politicians have the right to deny them that privilege. Thisis 
really a contest between the politicians and the people. One or the 
other must rule, and as the politicians have the sway at present, 
I think they would move heaven and earth, if possible, to hold 
on to it. The Convention will possibly continue in session until 
Saturday, though many of the members are very anxious to get 
through earlier. Should we remain longer than this week, I will 
write you more fully. Very respectfully, 

JOHN W. WOOD." 

I am thus particular in alluding to the proceedings of the Con- 
vention upon this subject, as it evidences the fact of the great 
distrust of the people, on the part of the Convention. Ever since 
the commencement of the Secession movement, a manifest dispo- 
sition has been exhibited to hastily seize the reigns of power, and 
never to let them loose again. 

My ordinance was rejected, as I anticipated. The vote being 
23 to 56 — See Journal of March Session, page 34. The Constitu- 
tion was then ratified by the Convention, only seven of us finally 
voting against it. A feeling of great indignation was manifested, 
in some parts of the State, in consequence of this flagrant outrage 
upon the rights of the people; but the tocsin of war had been 
sounded, and a military enthusiasm enkindled, which soon sup- 
pressed all exhibitions of feeling, save a loyalty to Jeft'. Davis and 
the Southern Confederacy. 



39 S^O 



CHAPTEE IX. 

Southern Democracy — Extract from the Speech of S. S. Prentiss — 
Political Demagogues — State and County Leaders — County pajyers. 

I have heretofore made some alhisions to the influence of 
Southern Democracy in causing the calamities which have befallen 
our country. The subject deserves a more particular notice. 
Thirty-four years ago S. S. Prentiss predicted what would be the 
result of the course pursued by that party. In a. speech, delivered 
at a public dinner in Vicksburg, in the Fall of 1838, Mr. Prentiss 
said : 

" Southern Democracy, it seems, consists in general abuse of 
the rest of the Union, a denial of the existence of any cominon 
interest with the North, and a bitter denunciation of every man 
who has the independence to refuse assent to these strange 
dogmas. Indeed, to such an extent is this brotherly hatred now 
carried by some, that a man cannot exchange ordinary courtesies, 
or civilities, with his fellow-citizens of the North, without render- 
ing himself obnoxious to the charge of being an enemy to the 
South. I had occasion, myself, to ti'avel North, a few months 
since, on private business. I was treated with great kindness and 
hospitality — a kindness and hospitality intended entirely as an 
expression of good feeling towards the State which I repi*esented. 
Yet have I been most bitterly abused for responding to these 
courtesies; for daring to break bread, and eat salt, with our 
Northern brethren ; and especially for so far violating Southern 
policy as to have wickedly visited the cradle of Liberty, and 
most sacrilegiously entered old Faneuil Hall. 

"I could pity %hese foolish men, whose patriotism consists in 
treating everything beyond the limited horizon of their own 
narrow minds, but contempt and scorn will not allow of the 
more amiable sentiment. It is said against me, that I have 
Northern feelings. Well, so I have, and Southern, Eastern and 
Western, and trust that I shall ever, as a citizen of the Eepublic, 
have liberty enough to embrace within the scope of my feelings, 
both its cardinal points and its cardinal interests. I do not accuse 
those who differ with me, of a desire to disolvethe Union, I know 
among them as honest and honorable men as belong to any party; 
but 1 do most seriously believe that the Union cannot long survive such 
kind of argument and feeling as that to which I have alluded. Indeed, 



40 

if such sentiments are well founded, it ought not to continue ; its 
objects and uses have ceased. Still, I do most fervently praj that 
such a catastrophe may be averted ; at least, that my eyes may 
not witness a division of this Eepublic. Though it may be a day 
of rejoicing for the demagogue, it will prove a bitter hour for the 
good man, and the patriot. Sir, there are some things belonging 
to this Union, which you cannot divide; you cannot divide its 
glorious history ; the recollections of Lexington and Bunker Hill ; 
you cannot divide the bones of your Revolutionary sires ; they 
would not lie still away from the ancient battle grounds where 
they have so long slumbered. And the portrait of the Father of 
his Country, which hangs in the Capitol; how much of it will fall 
to your share, when both that country and picture shall be 
dismembered?" 

Ever since the time when that purely patriotic citizen of Missis- 
si])pi, whose bright genius has cast a halo of glorj^ over the State, 
warned those " foolish men" of the awful consequences of their 
madness and folly, the political demagogue, under the gnise of 
Democracy, who has been the loudest in his denunciation and 
vituperation of every person and thing north of Mason and 
Dixon's line, has been seen to receive the most rapturous applause 
of the people. Some of these reptiles have thus crawled up to the 
apices of the topmost pyramids in the State. 

A very few individuals are often enabled to control the people 
of a State. The leaders about the Capitol keej) the county 
leaders "posted," and they have been in the habit of haranguing 
the people upon Court days, at Barbecues, and upon such other 
occasions as the " dear people" can be conv^iiently assembled 
together. The County papers have been anomer very efficient 
means of diffusing the principles of the glorious Southern 
Democracy. A Democratic County paper has been considered as 
an "institution" as necessary to the prosperity of one our towns 
as a hotel or retail grocery. Among the many misfortunes that 
have befallen our -country, it is some little consolation to know 
that we have been deprived of the means of publishing these 
pests to the public welfare. When the pitiless storm of misfor- 
tune, which has burst with all its fury upon our devoted country, 
drenching our land with grief and sorrow, shall have passed over 
us, it is to be hoped that we shall live in a purer political atmos- 
phere, free from the corrupting influence of political demagogues 



41 ^^^ 

and partisan papers, whoso chief aim, for years, seems to have 
been to undermine and destroy the best government upon earth. 



CHxVPTEE X. 

The Co-operation fcirtif—A Confederacy of Ffteen States including 
Southern Illinois, New Mexico and South California. — Still more 
comprehensive views of the leaders — Rapacious liunt for office. 

The leaders of the Secession part}^, well knowing the strong- 
attachment to the Union of their Fathers, among the people, and 
the horror with which they had viewed the monster Disunion, 
devised a scheme of breaking the subject more softly to their ears, 
by establishing a co-operation party. They professed to be 
violently opposed to separate State Secession, although their great 
leader, Mr. Yancey, had boldly announced the doctrine at Mont- 
gomery. They were for having a great Southern Confederacy of 
fifteen States; and many earnestlj'' contended that Southern 
Illinois would join the list. New Mexico and Southern California 
would surely follow, and an empire was to be established, which 
our Statesmen delighted to compare, in extent, with combined 
empires in Europe. Old Virginia, the mother of States and States- 
men, the blue hills and sweet vallies of Kentucky, the moun- 
tainous regions of Tennessee and North Carolina (the Switzei- 
land of America) the cotton and sugar regions of the Gulf States, 
the great State of Texas, together with Arkansas and Missouri, 
were only parts of the great Southern Confederacy. A question 
of serious difficulty arose in the minds of our great Statesmen, 
■upon which very able arguments were adduced, both in the affir- 
mative and negative, viz: Whether we should admit into our 
Confederacy any of the free States of the North? Man}- con- 
tended that as Southern Illinois was certain to go with us, it 
would be better not to divide the State, but take in the whole, as 

F 



42 

it would be convenient to bring over to the Northern part of the 
State, the hirge number of fugitive shxves who had been for 
years collecting in those portions of her Majesty's dominions 
known as Tipper and Lo.wer Canada. Others were still more 
comprehensive and statermen-like in their views, and contended 
that it would not be too great a degree of condescension if we 
should admit, but not exactly upon an equal footing, that extensive 
territory known as the Northwestern States, although they were 
engaged in that homely occupation of raising meat and bread, 
nothing doubting, that in process of time the whole region of 
country, formerly known as the United States, would one by one 
gravitate towards the Southern Confederacy, and become an 
integral part thereof, excepting always that puritanical portion 
known as New England, which, with imprecations deep and loud, 
they swore never should be admitted into the Southern Confed- 
eracy. Such speculations as these were rife in the minds of some 
who had held high positions in the country. It is deeply to be 
regretted that the fond hopes and expectations of some, who had 
been Union men in principle, such as the Vice-President of the 
Southern Confederacy, (alas ! for the frailty of human nature and 
the love of office,) were to be so soon and so sadly disappointed. 
The professed principles and speculations of the co-opera- 
tionists presented, however, a magnificent theme for the stump 
orator to illustrate and enlarge upon, betbre an excited audience; 
and many were induced to vote the Secession ticket, in that 
disguised form, who were utterly opposed to separate State Seces- 
sion; and were never more ready for a fight than when called a 
disunionist. 

Any one who has been a close observer of the Secession move- 
ment, could not fail to see the artfiices resorted to by the leaders 
to urge the people along into the channel, by some means or other, 
in order to get the power out of their hands. Having once 
seized the reins of power, they knew that they would be enabled 
to drive them to the last extremity, rather than abandon their 
nefarious purposes. 

When the co-operationists met in the different State Conven- 
tions, they proved to be the most ultra Secessionists. The reins 
Avcre then in their own hands, and they could do as they please ; 
and they never intended to give back to the people the power to 
control their actions, as was proven by their refusal to permit 



43 



3S1- 



them to vote upon the ratification or rejection of the Constitution. 
They knew that the effort that had been made, in 1851, to stifle 
their love for the Union, had proven a failure, although led on by 
military chieftains fresh from tlie battle fields of Mexico, and now 
no means was to be spai'ed to get at least the appearance of con- 
sent, upon the part of the people, to carrj^ out their purposes. 
The true intention of the co-opei'ationists proved to have been, 
not so much that of co-operating with other States and Territories, 
in forming the great Southern Confederacy, as to co-operate among 
themselves in o.ettino' the hish offices in the new Government. 
By co-operation, this man who never could have attained to the 
high position of President of the United States, might get to be 
President of part of the United States, and that cei-tainly would 
be much better than never to be President at all; by co-operation 
that man who has never been enabled to obtain a seat in the Con- 
gress of the United States, might be enabled to obtain a seat in 
the Confederate Congress, and that would certainly be much bet- 
ter than never to have been honored with a seat in Congress at 
all; and by co-operation the other man who has been all his life 
fondly hoping for the happy period to arrive, when he would be 
honored with the high position of Envoy extraordinary and 
Minister plenipotentiary to the Court of St. James, or St. Cloud, 
but whose sterling merits and high qualifications have been so 
frequently and so unjustly overlooked, now sees his way clearly 
and speedily, into the honored presence of her Eoyal Majesty or 
Napoleon III. Take out from the leaders of the army of the 
Southern Confederacy all of the appointed and disappointed 
office-holders and office-seekers, and there would scarcely be 
enough left, if fully supplied with artillery, to stop the course of the 
defenceless "Silver Wave" in any attempt she might have made to 
pass the city of Vicksburg. Seriously, this raj)acious hunt after 
office has been one of the worst features in the Secession move- 
ment. Thousands upon thousands have prostituted their princi- 
ples, and gone into the army for no other purpose than the 
gratification of avarice or ambition; while as many others have 
been compelled to go for a livelihood. For the latter, there is a 
ready apology, but for the former there is no extenuation. Upon 
a final reckoning, the righteous judgment of an outraged com- 
munity will demand equal and distributive justice to all. The 
verdict of the country will be, "Let justice be done, though the 
Heavens fall." 



44 

CHAP TEE XI. 

Was the election of Abraham Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin to the 
Presidency and Vice-Presidency of the United States, a sufficient 
cause for Secession?— The feeling in South Carolina when the result 
of the election ivas known— The effect on the other Southern States. 

I assumed the position, that the election of no man, constitu- 
tionally chosen to the high office of President or Vice-President 
of the United States, was a sufficient cause for any State to 
separate from the Union. We ought to stand by and aid still, in 
maintaining the Constitution of the country. To make a point 
■ of resistance to the Government, to withdraw from it, because a 
man has been constitutionally elected, puts us in the wrong. We 
went into the election as one people, and took the chances of 
electing our candidate, and then to refuse to abide by the result, 
was unfair and dishonorable. 

But it was said that Mr. Lincoln's policy and principles were 
agamst the Constitution, and that if he carried them out, it would 
be destructive of our rights. We should not have anticipated a 
threatened evil. If he had violated the Constitution, then it 
would have been time enough to hold him accountable. 

The election of Lincoln and Hamlin was hailed by the Seces- 
sion papers in the following manner, as appeared in flamin.- 
capitals in the "Southron," published at Orangeburg Court House' 
South Carolina, in its issue of November 14th, 1860. "Glorious 
AND Cheering News. Lincoln and Hamlin Elected ! ! ! The 
State calls a Convention!!! A Dissolution or the Union 
Reduced to a Certainty!!! Grand Demonstration!!! 
Minute men moving!!! Torchlight Procession!!! No Com- 
promise ! : ! The South must Govern the South ! ! ! " 

With such manifestations of joy, as these, the most ultra 
Secessionists hailed the election of Lincoln and Hamlin, whom 
■hoy had just previously denounced as the blackest Eepublicans 
^.nd Abolitionists of the North. The cause of their joy is plain. 
They had long desired a dissolution of the Union, and now they 
were certain tbey had a pretext, which would be sufficient, with 
the people, to carry out their purposes. Some of the members of 
the South Carolina and Mississippi Conventions boasted that they 



45 



-ffiS 



had been Secessionists for thirty and forty years! It was, how- 
ever, far beneath the dignity of those wise, far-seeing and venera- 
ble statesmen, to condescend to designate the particular cause or 
question, whether the protection of shxvery, in the Territories 
or out of the Territories, or what other question, that at that 
earl}^ day, so justly entitled them to the merit of being the 
founders of the Secession party. The truth is, there was no 
cause then with them, or anybody else, for Secession, and the 
claim of those gentlemen was only antedated about a quarter of a 
century, to give age to their opinions, believing, no doubt, that 
their opinions, like their beverages, would imjjrove with that 
commendable qualification. 

It is true, that there had been, in the State of South Carolina, 
a deep-seated dissatisfaction with the general Government, since 
she had been humored with the compromise of 1832, of the nullifi- 
cation question, and she had been fretting and pouting like a 
spoiled child, upon every occasion she could find, likely to create 
a disturbance in the family. Instead of the ranternal tenderness 
exhibited towards that refractory child of the Union, upon that 
memorable occasion, if she had been given a smacking then, it 
would have proven far more conducive to the peace and quietude 
of the family, than anything else. But, having been so long 
humoured in her tantrums, she believed she could take almost 
any step, however shocking to decency or common sense, and 
Uncle Sam dare not say a word. 

When the result of the Presidential election was known, if it 
had been intimated that the State which had been known as the 
Harry Percy of Chivalry — the game cock of the South, — should 
live in the Union under the administration of such a " Monstrum 
horrendum" as a big. Black Eepublican, a rope or a revolver would 
have been unanimously adjudged the proper desert of the unfor- 
tunate wretch who dared such an insinuation. 

Before any of the other States had'timeto assemble their Con- 
ventions, the State of South Carolina was clean out of the Union. 
She passed the Ordinance -of Secession, unanimously, on the 20th 
of December, 1860 ; one hundred^and sixty-nine members voting. 
The next Sttite was Mississippi, on the 9th of January, 1861, and 
two days after, on the 11th of January, Alabama and Florida 
seceded, and on the 19th Georgia went " a kiting," as the expres- 
sion was familiarly used in our Convention, to cheer up the " weak- 



46 

kneed." On the 26th Louisiana speeded, and on the 1st of 
February Texas '■ went out," and so on. The effect of the seces- 
sion of South Carolina was very great in all of the Southern 
States, known as the Gulf States. Many of those States were 
settled by citizens of South Carolina, and a feeling of sympathy 
and State pride induced almost all of such persons readily to 
endorse the Secession movement. With but few exceptions, 
whenever a South Carolinian was met, he was sure to be found a 
Secessionist. It is a remarkable fact, however, that whenever a 
South Carolinian was found who was a Union man, he was the 
most thorough going and zealous Union man in the country ; and 
the same rsiiiy be justly said of those who have stood firmly in 
Mississippi, for the Union, throughout the whole Secession move- 
ment. For nearly two years they have endured a biirthen of 
taunts, indignities, and opprobious ejDithets, which have been 
heaped upon them by the dorminant party — the sons of some of 
them have been arrested for treason, for expressing their feelings 
of indignation at the passage of the Conscript law — they have 
been continually reproached for " not going to the war" — such a 
one " ought to be hung," has been constantly ringing in their 
ears — the term " abolitionist" has greeted them upon the corners 
of the streets — craven cowardice, the most degrading charge to a 
Southern man, has been imputed to them; even their families have 
not escaped the criminating reflections that have been so freely 
indulged by their Secession neighbors. It has often been exceed- 
ingly difficult for those in whom they had confidence, to restrain 
the indignation of the people at the countless oppressions under 
which they labored; and nothing but their defenceless condition, 
being deprived of arms or ammunition, and the means of obtain- 
ing them, has held the people in submission to the tyranieal 
military despotism of the so-called Southern Confederacy. The 
fear alone of actual suffering among their families, for the neces- 
saries of life, has kept back thousands, whose impulses would 
have led them to rush across the lines, and rally under the o'd 
Flair, under which their fathers fought and bled. 

If the authors of our calamities, particularly in South Ca^-olina, 
were the only sufferers from Secession, it would not be so much 
to be deplored, but the innocent, as well as the guilty, have had 
to suffer. 



47 - Js-¥ 

CHAP TEE XII. 

The Fdnatlckm of Secession — PoUtical Parsons — Cautious politi- 

cians. 

One of the greatest difficulties to be encountered in eradi- 
cating the Secession sentiment, is with tlio.se who religiously 
believe that Secession is right. These men are honest in their 
belief, that Providence is on their side, and whether in victory or 
defeat, they have an ample fund of scriptural quotations at hand, 
with which either to rejoice or to cheer up the weak and fiiint- 
hearted. Within the last few years a set of political parsons have 
seized upon the subject of slavery as a Divine institution, and 
have rivaled the most fanatical enthusiasts of the North in their 
extreme views and zealous exertions. Should -a Southern man 
dare to express the opinions of the framers of the Constitution of 
the United States, with whom slavery was considered an irreme- 
diable evil, he was a lit subject for tne end of a rope, on the side 
of a black-jack. The evil produced by these political preachers 
illustrates thcAvisdom of our ancestors in drawing a line of separa- 
tion between Church and State, for, whenever they have meddled 
with the affairs of our Crovernment, either as Know-nothings or 
Secessionists, the result has been marked by the bloody foot-prints 
of their deluded followers. 

If ever, in the Providence of God, it should devolve upon the 
President of the United States, in " the enforcement of the laws," 
to deal out even-handed justice to all, it would be "a consumma- 
tion devoutly to be wished," that this peculiar class of individuals, 
whose holy calling presumes that they are ahvays ready to be 
received "into Abraham's bosom," should be the first subjects of 
the law of treason. 

Another misfortune, about as great as the horde of political 
parsons, with which the South has been cursed, which led more 
men astray, and turned the heads of more political aspirants and 
ambitious demagogues than any other event of the revolution, 
was the battle of Bull Eun. If all the buffalo bulls of the North- 
western prairies could have been gathered into one herd, and all 
the panic-stricken Yankees in McDowell's army placed in their 
front, and chased throughout the extensive regions of the cotton 
Confederacy, it would have occasioned a degree of amusement and 
gratification, not exceeding that occasioned by the news of the 



48 

victory which crowned their arms upon the banks of the aforesaid 
classical stream. Althoug repeatedly told by the writer, and a 
few others, that it would have no effect upon the ultimate result, 
and only occasion a greater slaughter of our people, the masses 
were too intensely excited to listen to anj^thing short of the 
extermination of the invaders — the captute of Washington — the 
reclamation of Maryland — the invasion of the North — the fall of 
Philadelphia, New York, and Boston, and the speedy "con- 
quering a peace." 

The calm, cool, calculating politician, who had cautiously looked 
on the contest, with nervous anxiety for an opportunity on either 
side, and it was no great matter on which, to distinguish himself, 
now thought he saw plainly the star that was to lead him on to 
fortune and to fame. The thunders of Bull Eun had completely 
cleared away the mist that had enveloped his eyes. The grievous 
oppressions to which the young South had so meekl}^ submitted 
for so many years of patient endurance, rose up afresh to his 
mind. His indignation was boiling hot to flesh his maiden sword 
in the cowardl}". carcass of some accursed Yankee. He longed 
for the time when he should 

" Fall like amazing thunder on the casque 
Of yon adverse pernicious enemy." 
His only serious difficulty was, Avhether as commander of a 
regiment, a brigade, or a division, Nature had designed him for 
the field; and to decide this perplexing mental controversy, "on 
to Richmond " was his rapid move. Soon clothed with a commis- 
sion from His Excellenly, the President of the Confederate States 
of North America, he returns in hot haste to the people to raise a 
company or regiment, vfith full assurance that he will soon be 
promoted to a brigadier. He calls meetings of the peoj^le and 
addresses them — his excited manner and nervous actions speak 
plainly that, 

" I am the rider of the wind, 

The stirrer of the storm, 

The hurricane I left behind 

Is yet with lightning warm." 
He takes peculiar pleasure, in his speeches, in arraying the Seces- 
sionist against the Union man, and very wisely insinuating that 
certain individuals " ought to be hung as high as Haman." When 
his company is made up and ordered to rendezvous at some 
particular^ place, he almost always finds important business for 
the company to attend to in the regions round about home. 



49 



Jn- 



His health not unfrequeiitly gives way, under the arduous hibors 
he has to endure for the glorious cause, and he becomes a prej^ to 
disease. When a great battle is " imminent," ho is sure to bo 
about home, but deeply laments his misfortune in not having the 
oj^portunity of correcting the gross errors committed by the 
commanders. Had he been there, things would have been other- 
wise. His criticisms are replete with learned historical illustra- 
tions. Csesar nor Hannibal, Napoleon nor Wellington, was over 
so ftimiliar with strategical movements. Had his advice been 
followed, Washington would have been taken long ago; the 
Potomac, as well as the Ohio, would have been crossed, and their 
army quartered upon the enemy's country, and they would have 
been made to feel the desolating effects of the war. 

These vipers, in their mean endeavors to crawl up to some high 
places, have done more to poison the minds of the ignoi'ant and 
credulous, than any other class of creatures that have cursed the 
Southern country. Keally, regardless of the merits of the con- 
troversy, and generally too ignorant to understand the points of 
difference in the political questions involved, the only inquiry is, 
how can I make the most out of the troubles of the country ? 
They seek alone to promote their own selfish purposes. Were 
they north of their lines, they would be equally clamorous for the 
Union, and for no better purpose. 

There is but one other class of beings, engaged in the war, that 
sinks lower in the scale of human depravity than the one referred 
to, and that is the speculating extortioner. Whilst the political 
demagogue seeks to elevate himslf, he does not even seek to raise 
himself above the low level of groveling gain. With wolfish relish, 
he laps the blood of the helpless innocent, and with tiger ferocity, 
he plunders the afflictions of age. The cries of the widow and 
orphan make no more impression upon his callous heart than the 
rattle of his dollars would upon the cold tombstone of the dead. 



C H A P T E E XIII. 

Webster's Reply to Hayne — TJhe Clearest and Best Refutation of the 
Right of JVullification, or Secession — Extract from Mr. Webster's 
Great Speech. 

To any one who was a participator in the movements preced- 
ing secession, it is obvious, that if the people had believed that 



. ' 50 

they did not possess the right of secession, but only the common 
rigiit oi" revolution, the}^ would never have given their authority 
to their leaders to inaugurate war. If the great speech of Daniel 
Webster, delivered in the Senate of the United States, on the 
20th of January, 1880, in reply to Mr. Hayne, in which he 80 
clearly refutes the South Carolina doctrine, had been generally 
read and understood by the people, they would never have voted 
for secession. It was attempted by the leaders to draw a distinc- 
tion between the right to nullify and the right to secede, but the 
South Carolina dortrine of Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Hayne, was the 
fouiKlation for the whole movement. The following extract from 
that speech should be impressed upon the mind of every American 
citizen ; 

" The great question is, ivhose prerogative is it to decide on the 
const itutioncdity or unconstitufiotiality of the laws ? On that, the 
debate hinges. The proposition that, in case of a supposed viola- 
tion of the Constitution by Congress, the States have a constitu- 
tional right to interfere, and annul the law of Congress, is the 
proposition of the gentleman. I do not admit it. If the gentle- 
man had intended no more than to assert the right of revolution 
for justifiable cause, he would have only said what all agi'ee to. 
But I cannot conceive that there can be a middle course, between 
submission to the laws, when regularly pronounced constitutional, 
on the one hand, and open resistance, which is revolution, or 
rebellion, on the other. [ say the right of a State to annul a law 
of Congress, cannot be maintained, but on the ground of the 
unalienable right of man to resist oppression; that is to say, upon 
the ground of revolution. I admit that there is an ultimate 
violent remedy, above the Constitution, and in defiance of the 
Constitution, which may be resorted to, when a revolution is to 
be justified. But I do not admit that, under the Constitution, and 
in conformity with it, there is any mode in which a State govern- 
ment, as a member of the Union, can interfere and stop the 
progress of the general government, by force of her own laws, 
xinder any circumstances whatever. 

'This leads us to inquire into the origin of the government, 
and the source of its power. Whose agent is it? Is it the creature 
of the State Legisletures, or the creature of the peojjle ? If the 
government of the United States be the agent of the State gov- 
ernments, then tlicy may control \t, provided they can agree in the 
j-uinner of controlling it; if it be the agent of the people then the 



51 



JU 



people alone can control it, restrain it, modify, or reform it. It is 
observable enough, that the doctrine for which the honorable 
gentleman contends, leads him to the necessity of maintaining 
not only that this general government is the creature of the 
States, but that it is the creature of each of the States severaibj ; so 
that each may assert the power, for itself, of determining whether 
it acts within the limits of its autlierity. It is the servant of four 
and twenty masters, of ditferent wills and different purposes, and 
yet bound to obey all. This absurdity (for it seems no less) arises 
from a misconception as to the origin of this government and its 
true character. It is, sir, the people's Constitution, the people's 
government 5 made for the people; made by the peopli; ; and 
answerable to the people. The people of the United States have 
declared that this Constitution shall be the supreme law. Wc 
must either admit the proposition, or dispute their authority. 
The States are unquestionably sovereign, so far as their sove- 
reignty is not affected by this supreme law. But the State legis- 
latures, as political bodies, however sovereign, are yet not sovereign 
over the people. So fiir as the people have given power to the 
general government, so i'-xv the grant is unquestionably good, and 
the government holds of the people, and not of the State govern- 
ments. We are all agents of the same supreme power, the people. 
The general government and the State governments derive their 
authority from the same source. JSTeither can, in relation to the 
other, be called primaiy, though one is definite and restricted and 
the other general and residuarj*. The national government pos- 
sesses those powers which it can be shown the people have 
conferred on it, and no more. All the rest belongs to the State 
governments or to the people themselves. So far as the people 
have restrained State sovereignty by the expression of their will, 
in the Constitution of the United States, so far, it must be admitted, 
vState sovereignty is effectually controlled. I do not contend that 
it is, or ought to be controlled farther. The sentiment to which I 
have referred, propounds that State sovereignty is to be controlled 
by its own "feeling of justice;" that is to say, it is not to be con- 
trolled at all; for one who is to follow his own feelings is under 
no legal control. Noav, however men may think this ought to be, 
the fact is, that the people of the United States have chosen to 
impose control on the State sovereignties. There are those, 
doubtless, who wish they had been left without restraint ; but 
the Constitution has ordered Ihe matter differently. To make 



52 

war, for instance, is an exercise of sovereignty; but the Consti- 
tution declares that no State shall make war. To coin money is 
another exercise of sovereign power; but no State is at liberty to 
coin money. Again, the Constitution says that no sovereign 
State shall be so sovereign as to make a treaty. These prohibi- 
tions, it must be confessed, are a control on the State sovereignty 
of South Carolina, as well as of the other States, which does not 
arise " from her own feelings of honorable justice." Such an 
opinion, tliereforc, is in detianee of the plainest provi,sions of the 
Constitution." 

Language could not express more forcibly, or in plainer terms, 
the true character of our government. I am constrained to say, 
that at one time my own mind was favorably inclined to the South 
Carolina doctrine; and it was not until I had carefully read the 
debate, including Mr. Webster's great speech, that I clearly saw 
its fallacy; and I indulge the hope that thousands who may read 
these pages, will be induced to give the same impartial and 
nuprejudiced examination to Mr. Webster's powerful and unan- 
swerable arguments. 

If the people of the United States only clearly understood the 
structure of our government, as it was intended to have been 
nndcrstood by its framers, there would never be any danger of its ^ 
dissolution. 



CHAPTEE XIV. 



The hypocracy of the Secessionists — Thepojndar Vote of the Seceded 
States — The sentiment among Southern women — Dialogue between 
a Southern Lady and an enroller under the Conscript law. 

How any people could expect that Providence would favor a 
cause that had to be bolstered up by hypocracy, dissimulation, 
duplicity, and even downright falsehood, is beyond the compre- 
liension of any ordinary capacity to perceive, or even the bright- 
ness of genius to penetrate. The greatest leaders of the move- 
ment have used the utmost deception with the people, and in the 
most artful and fascinating manner. They seemed to possess the 
" Smooth dissimulation skilled to grace, 
A devil's purpose with an angel's face." t 

Their daily conversation has been a tissue of the most dis- 
gusting fabrications. When in the pi-eseaee of Union men, 



bo 



Jry 



however, they frequently trhn their conversation accordingly ; 
and even men of Union sentiments, when in the presence of their 
Secession neiglibors, have been conijielled to resort to the same 
hypocritical course of duplicity, joining in with their tirade of 
extravagant falsehoods and mendacious exasperations. Their 
only excuse is, perhaps, that it is better to folio w the advice of 
Solomon, and "answer a fool according to his folly," for he tells 
us very truly, that " though thou sliouldst bray a fool in a mortar 
among the wheat, with a pestle, yet will not his foolishness depart 
from him." 

There is one subject upon which there has heen more false- 
hood and misrepresentation, perhaps, than upon any other, and 
that is the popular vote of the Seceding States. After man}' calls 
for the popular vote of Louisiana, it was tinally published, and 
turned out to be a Secession majority of only about three thousand 
— not as many as there were voters in the State v»^ho did not vote 
at all, and who would have, no doubt, voted against Secession. 
In Mississippi, the papers represented that the majority was 
thirty thousand for Secession, when, in fact, if the votes of those 
Avho did not vote at all were counted with those who voted the 
Co-operation ticket, it will be found that the Separate State 
Secession ticket was in the minority; and it was only by a 
betrayal of the people that the Secession Ordinance was passed. 

During the whole progress of the war, Mississippi has been 
represented, by the Secession papers, as a unit, when, in truth, in 
the central county of the State, — "the free State of Attala*" — 
during the whole contest, the strongest Union sentiment has pre- 
vailed ; a sentiment that has been bold and out-spoken, despite 
the taunts and threats of the party in power. 

The Southern ladies have been represented as unanimous for 
Secession. This is equally untrue. The following dialogue 
between an enroller of the conscripts and a lady, as i-elated by 
himself, is a pretty fair sample of the sentiments of some, at 
least, in the country : 

Enroller. Good morning, madam; where is your husband this 
morning ? 

Lady. lie is over in Mr. Jones's field, working out his corn. 
He promised to tend it for him while he was gone to the war. 

Enroller. How old is your husband, madam ? 

Lady. He is somewhere l)etween forty-two and forty-four. I 
don't know exactly, how old. 



\»* 



54 



Enroller. You are certain ho is over thirty-five ? 

Lady. Yes sir, he is; bat what are you asking me such ques- 
tions for? 

Enroller. I am sent out by the authorities, madam, to enrol 
the conscripts betAveen eighteen and thirty-five years of age. 

Lady. I thought you were out on some such business as that. 
You are sent out by old Pettis, I reckon. If I had my way with 
him, I would souse his head in a whisky barrel, and hold it there 
till he was droAvned — an old villian, he is sending oiY all the men 
to the Avar, and leaA^ing us poor women and children here to 
starve. 

Enroller. If you did not souse it too deep, madam, I expect 
Governor Pettus would as soon have his head in a whisky barrel 
as anyAvhere else. 

Lady. I would souse it just deep enough to drown him : that's 
how deep 1 would souse it. 

If the fate of the Secession leaders could be determined by a 
jury of the mothers of the young men, whose lives have been 
sacrificed in this most unnecessary, unnatui-al and unlioly Avar, 
they would haA-e about as much chance of an acquittal as the 
most obnoxious specimen of the canine race, upon proof positive 
of the slaughter of an innocent flock of sheep. 



CHAPTEE XV. 

A Be-uiiion in feeling among the people of the United States, should 
be the ardent desire of every patriot. 

The ardent desire of every American patriot should be to see 
a re-union in feeling among the people of the United States. 
Upon no other basis can our country ever be restored to its former 
prosperity and happiness. ISow that tlie tocsin of Avar Aviil soon 
be hushed, and the great family quarrel terminated, all eyes should 
he turned to peace and reconciliation. As Ave all have to lire 
together in the same family, let us live together in peace and 
ti'anquility. Let us forgive and forget. Let us approach each 
other in the spirit of conciliation and friendship. Let all those 



i)0 



S^i 



who have been bound together by the mystic ties of brotherhood, 
renew their covenants, and meet as friends. Let those of 
extreme views agree to disagree, and bury their differences. Let 
each section say to the other, we will 

" Be to your faults a little blind 
And to your virtues very kind." 

Let US rather contemplate the good, than the evil, that may 
result from this deplorable Avarfare. When re-united our govern- 
ment will stand upou a firmer basis than ever. The strength and 
power of the nation has been fully tested, and proven equal to any 
emergency. When re-united and harmonious, we will be the 
greatest military and maratime power on the globe. Uncle Sam 
will never be caught napping again. 

Our navy has exhibited a power that has astonished all Europe, 
and now threatens to snatch the trident from old Neptune himself. 
What the boasted mistress of the seas, aided by the brave veterans 
of the Peninsula and Waterloo, failed to accomplish, the American 
sailor and soldier has promptly performed. Of our country it 
may now truly be said, that, 

"America neeeds no bulwarks, 

No towers along her steep ; 
Her march is o'er the mountain-wave, 
Her home is on the deep." 

The idea that the South is subju.o-ated, seems to be a great 
obstacle with many of our people. This is not true. It is not the 
South that is subjugated, but secession that is subjugated; and no 
one should rejoice so much in its subjugation as the Union men of 
the South. They have suffered more, during the progress of the 
war, than any one else. Whilst the starving process has been 
going on, the secessionists have combined to starve out the Union 
men. The power which wealth always gives, has been brought 
to bear most heavily upon the poorer classes, producing a degree 
of suffering almost incredible in a country professing to be free. 
The Union men of the South, instead of being subjugated, have 
been liberated from the tyranny of contemptible, i^etty officials, 
and militaiy despots. A love for the Union should be cherished, 
and renewed upon' all suitable occasions. The fourth of July, and 
the twenty- second of February, should again be celebrated 
throughout the length and bread bh of the country. W^ith the 
same feeling that Napoleon embraced the eagles of France, the 
Old Flag should be hailed by ever}' citizen of the United States. 



5G 

The following patriotic sentiment should receive a ready response 
in every heart : 

" A Union of hearts, a Union of hands. 
A Union that none can sever ; 
A Union of Lakes, a Union of lands, 
The American Union forever." 
If the time shall ever come when a reunion of fraternal feelinsf, 
such as existed among our fathers, shall be all-pervading through- 
out the length and breadth of this wide-extended country; when 
the swords of the warriors shall be turned into plough-shares, and 
their spears into pruning hooks, we may truly realize that mil- 
lenial period, prophetically foretold, when "the wolf also shall 
dwell with the lamb, and the leopard shall lie down with the kid; 
and the calf and the young lion and the fatling together, and a 
little child shall lead them. And the cow and the bear shall feed ; 
their young ones shall lie down together; and the lion shall eat 
straw like the ox." 

" Then peace on earth shall hold her easy sway, 

And man forget his brother man to slay ; 

To m;n tial arts, shall milder arts succeed ; 

Who blesses most shall gain the immortal meed. 

The eye of pity shall be pained no more, 

With Victory's crimson banner stained with gore. — 

Thou bounteous era come! Hail blessed time! 

When fuU-orbed freedom shall unclouded shine. 

When the chaste muses cherished by her rays. 

In olive groves shall tune their sweetest lays. — 

When bounteous Ceres shall direct her car 

O'er fields now blasted with the fires of war, 

And angels view with joy and wonder joined 

The golden age return to bless mankind." 

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 




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Hollinger 

pH8.5 

Mill Run F3-1955 



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